Special Contributor to Xinjiangreview.com

Dr. Nabijan Tursun

 

http://uyghur-studies.com/publications/the-influence-of-intellectuals-of-the-first-half-of-the-20th-century-on-uyghur-politics/

The influence of intellectuals of the first half of the 20th century  on Uyghur politics

In the first half of the 20th century, as a result of the Uyghur education movement that spread across Eastern Turkistan, a new understanding and national consciousness started to develop among Uyghurs. Uyghur intellectuals trained abroad, along with the intellectuals from different countries, played a prominent role in the development of nationalism in this period. These Uyghur intellectuals included both those in Eastern Turkistan and Uyghur intellectuals in diaspora. The emergence and development of the Uyghur intellectual class in this period took place in accordance with the dispersion of Uyghurs across three different geographical regions: Eastern Turkistan; Central Asia and Russia; and Turkey and the Middle East.1

The rise of the Uyghur education movement played a significant role in the emergence of the Uyghur intellectual class. The Uyghur education movement, which started in the 1920s and 1930s, was shaped and mobilized by three groups within Uyghur society.     The first group consisted of businessmen and merchants who traveled abroad and saw the development of neighboring nations. They include the Musabay brothers’ family, the Muhiti brothers, Tash Ahunum, and others. They built schools and funded these schools with their own resources, thereby assuring the continued existence and expansion of these schools.

The second group was made up of intellectuals who were trained abroad. The representatives of this group included Mesut Sabiri, Memet Eli Tewpiq, Tursun Efendi, Qutluq Shewqi, and the founders of Ili educational associations, including Merup Seidi, Teyiphaji Sabitof, and other intellectuals that had returned to East Turkistan from the Soviet Russia  before  1932.

The third group comprised religious scholars who were part of the Jadid movement. Figures from this group include Abdulqadir Damolla, Sabit Damolla, Abdukerimhan Mehsum, Shemsidin Damolla, and Muhemmed Imin Bughra.

In the 1930s and 1940s, a significant number of Uyghur intellectuals emerged as a result of the advancement of Uyghur education. Central Asia became a major resource for Uyghur intellectuals, and the number of intellectuals who were trained in different fields of the arts and sciences in universities in this region increased, and the standards of scientific endeavor advanced.

Between 1934 and 1937, Sheng Shicai sent more than around 400 students to the Central Asian University in Tashkent and to other colleges in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, as a result of pressures from the national independence movement and the support of the Soviet Union.2 He also built high schools, teacher-training schools, and the Xinjiang Institute in Ürümchi, and he established the Union of Cultural Development for all the ethnic groups of the province. The Union of Uyghur Cultural Development was the biggest cultural organization in Xinjiang and included 1883 schools with 180 thousand students.3

Various associations took action in the field of education. In this period, a generation of Uyghur intellectuals, with university or high school degrees, was cultivated. These intellectuals played the role of promoters, organizers, and leaders of a broad-based political movement in the 1930s and 1940s.

In this paper, I focus on the role of Uyghur intellectuals in the political life of the Uyghurs in this period and explains their basic ideas. In the 1930s and 1940s, the Uyghur nationalist movement increased its strength, transforming into a national independence movement that aimed to construct Uyghur national identity and establish Uyghur statehood. It achieved its first accomplishments in two different times. National sovereignty with self-determination was established in Kashgar on November 12, 1933, and in Ghulja on November 12, 1944. In this nationalist movement and in various independence struggles, Uyghur intellectuals played an active and significant role.

Of course, the members of the Uyghur intellectual class of this period were deeply influenced by ideological struggles and opinions of the countries that they were trained in. They applied the principles of the ideological movements and strategies of political struggles they saw elsewhere to the national independence struggle of the Uyghur people. The external ideologies that they encountered or they accepted were directly related to the Uyghur political struggle in the first half of the 20th century, to the principles of sovereignty of the two Eastern Turkistan Republics, and to their state ideologies and goals.

In my opinion, it is possible to make a tripartite classification of the ideological sources and philosophical trends of the Uyghur intellectual class in the first half of the 20th century.
1. Ideals for establishing an independent Turkic republic based on Turkic nationalism and Islam as the official state religion.

The source of this idea was the awakening and blossoming of Islamism in the Muslim world, including northern and western Asia, calls for independence there, and the goals of establishing independent states by bringing together the Turkic nations, and the Idil-Ural Turkic people of Eurasia.

2.The representatives of this ideological trend included Uyghurs, Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, and intellectuals from other groups who actively participated in the nationalist revolts of 1933 and 1934. They played important roles in establishing and leading the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Republic, occupying prominent posts in the government. Among them were intellectuals who had visited Istanbul, Cairo, Bombay, Kabul, Kazan, Bukhara, Tashkent, and other cities, were trained in the
Uyghur Initiative Papers                                                                                                No. 11, December 2014

3 universities in these cities, and went back to their own homelands, with the aim of launching an education movement and of strengthening political and national identity in Eastern Turkistan.
Several progressive Uyghur religious scholars, including Abduqadir Damolla, Muhemmed Imin Bughra, Sabit Damolla, Abdulla Damolla, Shemsidin Damolla, and Qutluq Haji Shewqi, were not only the leaders of the reform and education movements among Uyghurs. They also aimed to promote and carry out principles based on republicanism and national independence. Almost all of them had lived for long periods in Muslim countries, including Turkey, and in a number of cases they were also educated in these countries. They were thus influenced by the ideological trends in these countries and tried to apply these ideas to the political life and destiny of the Uyghurs.

Although these religious scholars, under the leadership of Sabit Damolla, aimed to synthesize Islamic and Republican ideals, their main aims were to establish a state with national characteristics and to bring under one rule Uyghurs, Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Uzbek, and other Turkic nations. The “Association of Independence,” which was founded in 1933 in Kashgar,4 took the organizations of the “Young Bukharanias”5 and “Young Khivans,”6 which had existed in Central Asia at the beginning of the 20th century,  as a model.

Most of the participants in this political organization in Kashgar were Uyghur intellectuals, religious scholars, and businessmen. The association endorsed republican ideals and attempted to rule Kashgar with a republican regime. Some Uzbek representatives, who struggled against Soviet rule and the Bolsheviks in the Ferghana Valley, relocated to Kashgar and also joined this organization.7

After May 1933, when Kashgar was under rebel control, the Association of Independence actively offered programs about the republican system of government in Kashgar and created the first parliament in East Turkistan – Kashgher Millet Mejlisi. All members of the Association and representatives of local intellectual, religious, business and agricultural circles in Kashgar participated in this congress.8 The Kashgher Millet Mejlisi (Kashgar People’s Congress) had the military and administrative authority to decide government policy and to appoint certain high-ranking officials. The Congress tried to avoid the old Chinese system.

The Association of Independence was a cornerstone of the East Turkistan Republic and actively tried to unite all the guerrilla groups while preparing the political and nationalist foundations for an independent state.
Some of the Uyghur and Uzbek intellectuals in Kashgar and opinion leaders with Jadidist and pro-independence ideals, as well as political figures who participated in the political events in Central Asia of the 1920s and 1930s—especially those involved in the activities of the Shurai- Islamiye Organization—took part in the Autonomous Government of Turkistan, engaging in proindependence movements which were later labeled as basmachi and condemned by the Soviet Union.9 Some of the participants in the Association of Independence were familiar with Turkic national state ideology and the Soviet–Russian state administrative system in Central Asia through their experiences with the Turkistan Autonomous Government in Kokand.   The “formal” beginning of the “Basmachi” movement is usually associated with the Tsarist Imperial Decree of June 25, 1916, which ordered the first non-voluntary recruitment of Central Asians into the army during the First World War.10 The movement was a reaction not only to conscription, but to the Russian conquest itself and the policies employed by the tsarist state in Western Turkistan. After communists destroyed the Turkistan Autonomous Government in the Ferghana Valley, the struggle of Muslims of Western Turkistan against communists not only continued, but escalated in intensity. The struggle continued under various methods well into the 1930s.

Participants in anti-Soviet, anti-Russian national liberation movements, such as Setiwaldijan, Yusufjan, Sofizade, Chipaq Ghazi, Janibek, and many others, had escaped to Kashgar in the 1920s and 1930s. They not only participated in the national liberation movements and actively supported and participated in establishing the Eastern Turkistan Republic in Kashgar but also took charge in leadership positions in the government.

Religious scholars who, under the leadership of Sabit Damolla, had lived or were trained in Muslim countries, played an important role, alongside Uyghur intellectuals, in the establishment of the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Republic. Sabit Damolla, who was educated in Turkey, Egypt, and India, was a politician trained in religion and the natural sciences, who also had clear political viewpoints, a keen understanding of domestic and foreign policy, and who had knowledge of political science.11 He brought together the intellectuals of Kashgar to form the association for independence and, later, the government of the Eastern Turkistan Republic itself.12

2. Intellectual Component of East Turkistan Islamic Republic
On November 12, 1933, the people of the Kashgar established the East Turkistan Republic with Kashgar as its capital. The Establishment of new republic was an event of great historical moment in development of Uyghur nationalism.13 The new republic had all the trappings of a modern state, such as a constitution, flag, legal system, and government institutions,14 and its institutions were influenced by those of Mustafa Kamal Ataturk’s Turkey. This influence was due to the fact that some Turkish intellectuals, such as Mahmut Nadimbeg and others who came from Turkey, played an important role in the organizing of the Republican state system. They participated in all events, including the ceremony for pledging the establishment of the republic, in discussions on the state flag and state anthem, and in the inauguration of the announcement of a republic.15

The new republic tried to establish diplomatic relations with a range of countries such as the Soviet Union, Turkey, Great Britain, and Afghanistan, and to obtain assistance from them. Uyghur sources indicate that another eleven Uyghurs and another Turkish intellectual also took part, including the famous education leader Memet Eli Tewpiq, who was originally from Artush, received a higher education in Turkey, and was
sent to Kashgar by the Turkish Youth Union in the fall of 1933.16 These intellectuals actively participated in various projects in this shortlived republic and in the enlightenment movement in the Kashgar-Artush region, until the repression by Sheng Shicai in 1937-1938. Most of them were killed by Sheng.

According to James A. Millward’s analysis, a high percentage of the ETR leaders were educators or rich merchants from Kashgar-Artush area, and had been associated with the Uyghur enlightenment movement of the 1910-1920s.17 Among the sixteen members of the cabinet, ten of the ministers were intellectuals who had lived abroad for long periods and who were educated in these countries. Prime Minister Sabit Damolla traveled to and was educated in Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the Soviet Union, and India.18 Sabit Damolla was also a teacher at the Karakash New Islamic School and therefore a supporter of Muslim education reform. In addition to his status as a religious authority, Sabit had recently returned from the Hajj in 1933 and was heavily influenced by Islamic reform movements during his journey through India, Egypt and Turkey.19 His personal secretary, Telet Musabay, was trained in Istanbul and Moscow.20 The secretary for foreign affairs of ETR, Kasimjan Haji, was educated in India.

The secretary for internal affairs, Yunusbeg Seyidzade, graduated from Xinjiang’s Russian Language College for Politics and Law, where the primary language of education was Russian. He was the first Uyghur intellectual to be educated in the first Xinjiang provincial college, established by Yang Zengxin, a Xinjiang warlord. The secretary of religious affairs, Shemsidin Damolla, was formerly a teacher in the Artush school and had received religious education in Central Asia. He was one of the progressive participants in Kashgar’s modern education program provided by Turkish educationalist Ahmet Kamal in the 1910s.21 The secretary of education, Abdukerimhan Mehsum, lived and was trained in Soviet Russia and participated in the Uyghur nationalist movement there in 1919-1920.22

Obul Hesen Haji, who was appointed as the secretary of trade and agriculture for the republic, had lived and traded for more than 20 years in
Tashkent, Ufa, St. Petersburg, and Moscow, and was also educated in the latter city.23 He was the younger brother of the industrialists and educationalists, known as the Musabay brothers, who founded the first jadidist schools in the KashgarArtush area and a technical training school in Ghulja. Four Uzbek ministers of the republic, including the secretary of justice, Zerip Qari Haji, the secretary of health, Abdulla Xani, the secretary of military affairs, Sultanbek, and the chief of central command headquarters, Yusufjan, were all educated men from Russian Turkistan.24

Although the president of the republic, Hoja Niyaz Haji, and the chief of military affairs, Mahmut Muhiti, were not highly educated, they had lived for many years in Russia and had a broad knowledge of contemporary issues. Hoja Niyaz Haji escaped to Ili in 1912 after the Timur uprising in Qumul (Hami), and then escaped to Russian territory, and served in the Tsarist Russian army in the First World War. Mahmut Muhiti, was an activist in the Turpan Uyghur enlightenment movement and the younger brother of a Uyghur merchant and educational leader Mehsut Muhiti.25 After the collapse of the ETR, he became lieutenant general and chief of the 6th cavalry division in the Xinjiang provincial army under the Sheng Shicai government. He also was a supporter of the Uyghur cultural-education movement and of the development of Uyghur nationalism in the Kashgar-Artush region. Memet Eli Tewpiq, who graduated from college in Istanbul with the strong support of Mahmut Muhiti in 1934-1937, started a new educational trend in the Uyghur enlightenment movement. He opened 24 European-style elementary schools and teacher training schools in the Kashgar-Artush area26 and educated young students about Uyghur nationalism and ideologies of enlightenment.27
When we look at the structure of the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Republic, in addition to the ministers stated above, most of their associates and aides were Uyghur and Uzbek intellectuals, who were also knowledgeable about the Middle East and Central Asia. For instance, Musa Ependi, who had studied medicine in Fergana, presided over the first hospital in Kashgar, and the Organization of the Red Crescent. A Uyghur intellectual, Qutluq Haji Shewqi, who had studied in Turkey
and Egypt, became the president of the Eastern Turkistan Publishing House and chief editor of newspapers.28 The ETR printing office cooperated with the Swedish press in Kashgar and published the newspaper Sherqiy Türkistan Hayati (The Life of East Turkistan), Erkin Turkistan (Free Turkistan), and Yéngi Hayat (New Life).29The Uzbek intellectual, Sofizade, who was editor-inchief of the monthly magazine Istiqlal (Independence), was trained in Western Turkistan. Later he became the assistant minister of religious affairs and general secretary of the republic.30 More than twenty Uzbek immigrant intellectuals who had studied in Western Turkistan (the Russian Turkistan region) served in different administrative positions in the Republic.31

Intellectuals from a diverse range of backgrounds also played important roles in drafting the constitution of the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Republic and in writing up the declaration of state, and other related state programs. They were also influential in the establishment of diplomatic relations in a very short period of time and in the diplomatic activities of the republic. These nationalist Uyghur intellectuals, by paying attention to the political, social, economic, and cultural situation of Eastern Turkistan in the 1930s, and by taking into consideration different factors, including its external relations, followed a path of cooperation with all groups and powers that wanted and supported the land’s independence.
3. The movement of national republicanism following the model of the Soviet Union.

Among the members of the Uyghur intellectual class in 1930s and 1940s, in addition to the people mentioned above, there was a group of intellectuals who were influenced by the national republican ideas of the Soviet Union.

The policies of the Soviet Union to divide the Muslim Turkic people of Central Asia and the Caucasus along ethnic borders and guide them to separate national republics started in 1924 and resulted in the formation of the republics of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Azerbaijan. This prompted a desire to establish a national republic among Uyghurs, as well. In addition, many of the important
and high-level members of the Uyghur intellectual class in the first half of the previous century had been in Central Asian republics. As a result of the ethnic policies of Soviet Russia, in the 1920s and 1930s a high number of Uyghur youths went to universities in Russian cities, including Moscow, Leningrad, Kazan, Baku, Samarqand, and Almaty, where they received advanced degrees. In the year of 1923 alone, more than 500 Uyghur students received education in Moscow, Leningrad, and other universities in Soviet Russia.32

The idea of a national liberation movement was propagated as far back as the Congress of the Revolutionary Uyghur Union in Tashkent in 1921. This was the first time that Uyghur intellectuals and nationalists from Eastern and Western Turkistan came together to establish an organization with a political program in order to provide for national liberation in the future.
For Abdulla Rozibaqiyev, a leader of the Uyghurs in Central Asia, the purpose of the congress was to train volunteers for the upcoming revolution in Xinjiang, and to educate people politically so that they could overthrow the Chinese occupiers and their local supporters. The national and political awakening of the Uyghurs in Central Asia resulted in their participation in the struggle to overthrow Chinese control and establish an independent country in their motherland. They sent many members to Xinjiang on a mission to get involved in underground political activities.33

Even the Third International and the Turkistan Communist Party introduced the idea of an independent republic in the Xinjiang region. The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, under Lenin’s leadership, considered the idea of forming two republics, Kashgaria and Junggharia, as suggested by Latvian communist, Janis Rudzutaks, then chairman of the Turkistan Commission and of the Central Asia bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Russia Communist Party, but the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party ultimately rejected the proposal.34 Later, however, the Moscow government and the Third International sent some clandestine agents to Xinjiang, and continued to investigate ways to foster a national liberation movement.

After the success of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and the establishment of ethnically defined socialist republics in the former Tsarist Turkestan, teachers, and publications imported to Xinjiang reflected an outlook that was both influenced by communism and more strongly nationalistic.35

Many of the Uyghur intellectuals in leadership positions within these organizations, including Abdulla Rozibaqiyev, Ismail Tahirov, Burhan Qasimov, Abdulhey Muhemmedi and Nezerghoja Abdusemetov, Ershidin Hidayetov, and others, aimed to sustain the independence of the Uyghurs and to form an independent Uyghuristan. In the Tashkent congress, which was held on June 3, 1921, they decided to use the name “Uyghur” to replace the former “Taranchi” and “Kashgars” parties36. At the same time, they agreed on using the Ili dialect as the standard for modern Uyghur.

According to their aims, an independent Uyghuristan would naturally become a socialist independent national republic, similar to other republics in Soviet Central Asia. Some of activists in Turpan, Kashgar, and Ili who went to Soviet Russia and were connected with the Uyghur movement accepted the idea of an independent Uyghuristan and Uyghur nationalist ideals. Poet Abduxaliq, who was educated in Russia, adopted the term Uyghur and used it as his pen name— Abduxaliq Uyghur. He called his people the Uyghurs and rallied them to fight against Chinese rule and obtain freedom.37  Abduxaliq was also among the from indigenous Xinjiang Turkic thinkers to ponder on Uyghur national interest38 .

The idea of establishing Uyghuristan became part of an official revolutionary movement among the Uyghur people, as demonstrated by events at the Congress of Tashkent. The idea of Uyghuristan was not just an ideology promoted by politicians. It also turned out to be one of the most important political ideals promoted by intellectuals, writers, and poets.

After the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the period of Chinese warlord control over Xinjiang, several factors played an important role in the formation of Uyghur nationalism and political

identity, and of the Uyghurs’ fight for selfdetermination and political rights. Ethnic oppression by Chinese warlords and especially their discriminatory policies toward the Uyghurs should be mentioned when addressing the formation of Uyghur nationalism. That the oppressed came together as a group to protect themselves and fight for self-rule was a natural consequence of this oppression. Indeed, during the years 1931-33, all the towns and cities in East Turkestan were up in arms against Chinese rulers. The culmination of those rebellions was the declaration of the establishment the Islamic Republic of East Turkistan on November 12, 1933. The establishment of the East Turkistan Islamic Republic was evidence of the formal birth of Uyghur nationalism and the realization of Uyghur national aspirations. Through the founding of this independent republic, the Uyghurs asserted their distinct national identity and showed their determination to control their own destiny.

In the beginning, the new republic was named the Republic of Uyghuristan, and it minted its first copper coins in the name of the “Republic of Uyghuristan.”39 Later on, the name was changed to the Republic of East Turkistan.40 The shortlived Republic of East Turkistan (1933-1934) established and spread its own political platform and educational and socio-economic policies. It also established its own publishing house, which published newspapers, textbooks, and journals that freely spread nationalist ideology. Uyghur intellectuals in this period played an important role in the formation and strengthening of Uyghur nationalism with the goal of achieving an independent state outside Chinese control.

 As the idea of a free Uyghuristan became the main goal of the national independence movement, Uyghur intellectuals and writers, through their own works, tried to bring together the people under that ideology, inviting them to join a common struggle for Uyghuristan. The theme of Uyghuristan was one of the most significant topics of Uyghur literature in the first years of Soviet Russia, and almost all Uyghur writers and poets wrote on this subject41.
From 1933 to 1943, Sheng Shicai ruled Xinjiang with an iron fist. On Soviet advice and under their guidance, Sheng Shicai divided Xinjiang’s population into fourteen ethnic groups. At the same time, he refused to recognize the Uyghurs or other ethnic groups any national autonomy or political rights, and suppressed their national aspirations, including demands for a Soviet-style republic. During the period of Sheng Shicai’s control, some Uyghur leaders and intellectuals of the ETR believed that, with Soviet military, political, and economic support, Sheng Shicai promises would be realized and that they could participate in the provincial government.

The Soviet Union did not allow the formation of an independent state by the Uyghurs in the 1930s42, but between 1934 and 1942, it sent experts and advisors to help the Xinjiang government in the fields of education, service, security, science and technology, and the military. Uyghur intellectuals were among these advisors. The Soviet Union also sent Uyghur intellectuals to Xinjiang in other overt, as well as covert, ways, and these people engaged in propaganda activities among the people. Sheng also promoted publications and education in languages other than Chinese, although, as in the Soviet Union, the main intent of the literacy program was to extend the reach of propaganda. He promoted agricultural recovery, and constructed schools, roads, and medical facilities.43 Sheng’s rule had strong overtones of Chinese chauvinism, triggering a new wave of nationalism among Uyghurs.

As declared in a report by the Central Asian Military District’s intelligence division in the Soviet Union about the situation Xinjiang Province in December 1935: “Meanwhile the Uyghur nationalist movement is growing. The idea of an independent Uyghuristan continues to occupy an important place in the minds of Uighur leaders, even those who are adherents of Urpra44… In spite of an increase in pay, the army receives paltry supplies.”45

The Soviet Union benefited from the Uyghur intellectual class in accordance with its own interests, and by helping them it managed to reach its goals of spreading Soviet influence and promoting the national ideas of Lenin and Stalin in particular. The main propagandists for these views were either Uyghurs from the Soviet Union or

Uyghurs from Eastern Turkistan who had studied or lived in the Soviet Union.   Between 1934 and 1942, the Soviet Union was able to penetrate Xinjiang in the fields of culture and education, science and technology, and ideology, and included this region in its own sphere of influence. Reciprocally, the influence of the Soviet Union among Uyghurs, especially among Uyghur intellectuals, further increased. The desire of the Uyghurs to compare themselves with neighboring Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and other republics, and their willingness to have the right to establish the Republic of Uyghuristan was strengthened.

4. Intellectual component of Second East Turkistan Republic
Between 1944 and 1949, a second national independence movement was launched in Xinjiang province. On November 12, 1944, the Eastern Turkistan Republic was founded in Ghulja. Uyghur sources officially called it Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti or Azat Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti (The Liberated East Turkistan Republic).46 In Russian, it was called Vostochno-Turkestanskaya Respublika, abbreviated to VTR. 47 Chinese sources called this republic Dong Tuerqisitan Renmin Gonghegu (East Turkestan Peoples Republic),48 or the Dong Tuerqisitan Gongheguo (East Turkistan Republic).49

Between that time and the end of 1949, the government of this republic liberated the three districts of Altay, Tarbaghatay, and Ili, and formed an independent state in this region. Uyghur intellectuals again played a leadership role during the five-year history of the Eastern Turkistan government and during the political struggles for national independence for Uyghurs in the 1940s.

The ETR government announced a nine-point declaration that, prepared by Uyghur intellectual Ehmetjan Qasimi and others on January 5, 1945, established the ETR as an independent republic that would treat all religions and peoples equally by embracing democracy and rejecting totalitarianism. The new republic called for the development of education, technology, communications, industry, social welfare, and a free health care system.50

The ETR established various social and education organizations such as a women’s association, a veterans’ foundation, and schools for orphans. Women from Muslim and non-Muslim ethnic groups participated in military, government, education, and work structures equally with men. The goal of the state’s battle was not to establish an independent Islamic religious state but to develop and learn from European modern culture, including the culture of the Soviet Union.

The state held close relations with Uyghurs in the Soviet Union. The population of East Turkistan long had close ethnic, cultural, and economic ties with the Soviet Central Asian Republics, and Soviet influence had been strong among the local people of East Turkistan. Russian-Soviet culture exerted a dominant influence among the local population, via the Russian, Tatar, Uzbek, and Uyghur populations that had migrated from Soviet Russia in the early 1920s and 1930s. Immigrant intellectuals and intellectuals who had spent time in the Soviet Union constituted the majority of the ruling class of the Eastern Turkistan Republic. Almost all of them were influenced by the Soviet Union, and most of them were under the influence of ideals of national republicanism and self–determination for ethnic groups.

The first members of the government and the cabinet of the republic were, just like in the first Eastern Turkistan Republic, the people who stayed or studied abroad, especially those who were trained in Soviet Russia. The president of the republic, Elihan Töre, had lived in Soviet Russia until the 1930s and achieved advanced levels of religious education in places like Bukhara and Saudi Arabia. He thus had a broad knowledge of religious studies and of the natural sciences, as well as good rhetorical skills.51 He shared many of the same ideas with the intellectuals who had attempted to establish an independent Eastern Turkistan Republic in the 1930s.

A member of the government and the secretary of health, Qasimjan Qembiri, had graduated from the college for nationalities in Tashkent.52 The secretary of education, Hebib Yunuchi, had studied in universities in Russia, Turkey, and Germany.53 His aide, who later became secretary of

education, Seyfidin Ezizi, had graduated from Central Asian University of Tashkent.54 The secretary of propaganda and member of the government, Abdukerim Abbasof, had graduated from the Xinjiang Institute in Ürümchi. The secretary of the treasury, Enwer Musabayof, had studied in Turkey.55 The assistant secretary of the treasury, Waqqas Mirshanof, had received his higher education in Germany. The secretary of military affairs and assistant general secretary, famous leader of the Ili government Ehmetjan Qasimi, was trained in Moscow and had a PhD in history, thus taking his place as one of the first scholars with a PhD among Uyghurs.56
Among the people who organized the liberation movement in Tarbaghatay were Ablimit Hajiyof, who had graduated from the Central Asian University of Tashkent, and other intellectuals who had graduated from the Xinjiang Institute and from the Military School in Ürümchi.
In addition, many intellectuals served in leadership positions within the different ministries of the republic, as well as in newspapers, in the Ili Gymnasium, and in other positions. Many of them had graduated from schools including the Central Asian University of Tashkent, the Ili Gymnasium of Ghulja, Xinjiang Institute of Ürümchi, and various teaching academies. Almost all the intellectuals centered in Ili, Chochek, and Altay worked in the Eastern Turkistan Government as its employees.
In the final years of the Ili government, especially between 1947 and 1949, the higher echelons of the government leadership consisted of intellectuals who had been trained in the Soviet Union. When the “Union for the Protection of Democracy and Peace” was formed in August 1948 in order to lead the national liberation movement in all of Xinjiang province, the central committee of the “Union” had 35 members, most of them intellectuals. The Central Leadership-Organizing Committee of the Union had eleven members from five ethnic groups, and ten of them were educated in the Soviet Union. They included Ehmetjan Qasimi (president), who had a PhD in history from Moscow, Is’haqbek Munonof (commander -in–chief), who had studied in Osh and Frunze, Esihet Is’haqof, Enwerhan Baba, and Uyghur Sayrani, all of whom had studied in Mos
cow, as well as graduates of the Central Asian University of Tashkent, including, Seyfidin Ezizi, Ablimit Hajiyof, and Ibrahim Turdi graduated from Samarkand Agricultural College.57 Almost all the leaders in all departments of the “Union” had been educated in the Soviet Union, or in Urumchi and in Ghulja. In the various city and town branches of this organization, and in its military committees, intellectuals formed a majority.

These intellectuals had common viewpoints about issues such as the future of Eastern Turkistan and its self-determination, and they hoped that if independence were impossible, they could nonetheless follow the Soviet Union as an allied republic with equal rights.

The next leader of the Ili government, Ehmetjan Qasimi, who was a modern intellectual, had broad knowledge and a good understanding of the international system and of regional political issues. He supported the national republican ideas of the Soviet Union. These two leaders gave importance to the role of intellectuals and brought those intellectuals into their fold. They appointed these intellectuals to leadership positions in their governments. The republican government, under the leadership of Elihan Töre, mentioned in its nine-point declaration of statehood that the republic aimed to provide progress in the fields of culture, education, health, the arts, and other fields.

The ETR had a secular and multi-ethnic state system.58 This republic brought together groups of different religious beliefs, diverse ethnicities, and socio-economic backgrounds, including Uyghur, Kazakh, Mongghul, Hui, Uzbek, Kyrgyz, Shibo, and Russian. It protected the rights of these groups and provided for their unity, and it determined accurate policies and strategies in order to defeat the powerful and common enemy.
During its five years, the Ili government devoted the state budget to multi-language education and published eleven newspapers and five magazines in five languages. News organs and the press in Ürümchi and Ili embarked upon a propaganda war, each side accusing the other bad faith.59 Newspapers like “Revolutionary East Turkistan,” the journal for Uyghur youth “The Struggle,”

“The Union” and others were busy propagating the successes of the Soviet style governance in the fields of education, culture, economy and bringing up constantly the questions of the ethnic national questions, the national liberation and self-determination and questions of international politics. Newspapers and magazines in the territory of the ETR played an important role for the development of culture and the political understanding of the people. The ideas and principles of self-determination, the victory of Soviet style ethnicities policies, the policies of the Uyghur national liberation movement and alike were discussed by leading intellectuals like Ehmetjan Qasimi and others.
Uyghur intellectuals, including leaders of the Ili government, namely Elihan Töre, Ehmetjan Qasimi, Abdukerim Abbasof, and others, frequently published articles on national liberation movements, ethnic and socio-economic policies, and on the political and cultural history of East Turkistan and the other various issues. Newspapers and magazines in the territory of the ETR played an important role for the development of culture and the political understanding of the people.

In the determination of these policies and strategies, intellectuals played an important role. From its very beginning, the government of Eastern Turkistan put an extraordinary emphasis on education, the emergence of a class of intellectuals, and their empowerment. In line with this, the government of the Eastern Turkistan Republic adapted a policy of free, compulsory education. In Ili, mid-level experts were trained, and vocational schools established, such as Ili Bilim Yurti (Ili Institute of Learning) and Tibbiy Mektep (Medical Nursing Training School). Ili also attempted to promote four-year, seven-year, and ten-year long courses of study. In 1945 and 1946, there were 295 schools in the Ili region, more than 980 classrooms, 1051 teachers, and 28343 students. In 1947, the number of students increased 24 percent. It increased 25 percent in 1948, and in 1949, it further rose 30 percent. In 1950, it increased 41 percent.60 The economic situation of the students in Ili was better than it was for students in Ürümchi under the rule of the Kuomintang, and the level of education was as well.

From its first day in office, the government of the Eastern Turkistan Republic also attached importance to the training of military officers. Between February 1945 and 1949, it established basic and mid-level institutes to train military offices in different regions, including in Qorghas, in Mongghulküre, and in Shixo. Between 1946 and 1949, the command headquarters of the national army established a national army military academy in Ghulja and trained three generations of mid-level officers.61 The military academy of the national army was a complete military institute, and its curriculum was taken from the high-level military academies in the Soviet Union.62

In its short five years of existence, the Eastern Turkistan Republic (or Ili government) emerged from nothingness and managed to establish independence, a flag of state, a regular army, state institutions, law and regulations, and other necessities of statehood. Thanks to its accomplishments in the fields of the military, politics, economy, culture, and education, it thereby created an example of self-determination for the Uyghurs in the 20th century. The intellectuals had common viewpoints about issues such as the future of Eastern Turkistan and its self-determination, and they hoped that if independence were impossible, that they could follow the Soviet Union as an allied republic with equal rights.

5. The idea of high-level autonomy based on the ideology of Turkism?
Between 1944 and 1949, when the territories of Xinjiang  were divided and ruled by the Eastern Turkistan Republic government (after 1946, Ili government or three districts government), which was based in three districts, and the Xinjiang provincial government that was based in Ürümchi, some Turkic intellectuals in Ürümchi, who were trained and travelled in Muslim countries of the Middle East and to Turkey, including Dr. Mesud Sabri, Muhemmed Imin Bughra, Eysa Aliptekin, Qurban Qoday, and Abliz Chinggizxan, engaged in a fierce battle with the intellectuals of the Eastern Turkistan Republic, including Ehmetjan Qasimi, Rehimjan Sabir Haji, Seyfidin Ezizi, and Abdukerim Abbasof, who accepted the influence of Soviet Union. Among these groups, proponents of the ideas of the Ili faction, including the leaders of the Eastern Turkistan Republic, were labeled as “radicals,” whereas proponents of the “Üch Ependi” (three misters) in Ürümchi were called “conservatives” by Zhang Zhizhong, Chairman of coalition provincial government in 1946-1947. 63
Although they had a common final goal, their disagreement on which external power to use temporarily created a major rift between them. Intellectuals referred to as “üch ependi,” namely Mesud Sabri, Muhemmed Imin Bughra, and Eysa Yusuf Aliptekin, preferred to negotiate with the Chinese Kuomintang government, through which hey were planned to gain rights to a high-level of autonomy64 within China and to reform the Chinese constitution in order to change the name Xinjiang to Turkistan. They were against the nationalities policies of the Soviet Union, which paved the way for a division of territories and for classifying groups as Uyghur, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Uzbek, and were in favor of a common Turkic national ideology. Because they were against the Soviet Union, they were more favorably disposed toward the central government of China. They also were supportive of countries like the United States, Britain, and Turkey during the Cold War, and promoted the idea of cooperation with these countries.

On the other hand, intellectuals of Ili under the leadership Ehmetjan Qasimi were in favor of an armed insurrection, with backing from the Soviet Union, in order to determine the future of East Turkistan. These intellectuals opposed the Kuomintang government of China.
China and Soviets benefited from this division among Uyghurs in their diplomatic battles and sacrificed them for their own interests, never allowing the Uyghur intellectuals from these two factions to unite. In the end, as a result of the political changes in the world and in China in 1949, neither group had been able to achieve their goals, which included independence, forming an allied republic with the Soviet Union, or established an autonomous republic with higher autonomy in the Chinese state. Neither westernoriented nationalist China nor Soviet-oriented communist China gave them their desired auton
omous rights. After being divided between the Soviet Union and the West during the Cold War, both groups of Uyghur intellectuals ultimately lost influence.

Conclusion
In the first half of the 20th century, a Uyghur intellectual class whose members were trained in modern schools, witnessed a phase of new development. The formation and development of Uyghur intellectuals took place in a broad region, including Central Asia, Turkey, the Middle East and Eastern Turkistan/Xinjiang. Although these intellectuals lived in different regions of the world, had citizenship of different states, and were under the influence of different ideologies, they always thought of themselves in relation to their Uyghur national identity and the territorial identity of Eastern Turkistan.

During their emergence and development, they were influenced by different ideological currents, including communism, Turkism, and Islamism, and they tried to apply these theories to the Uyghur independence movement. Intellectuals played prominent roles in two Republics of Eastern Turkistan. The leadership cadres of these states were formed by these intellectuals. And they also constituted the core of the government and the military.

Especially during the National Liberation Movement of 1944-1949, the role of intellectuals was further consolidated, and the government that lasted for five years was administered by Uyghur intellectuals. The first Eastern Turkistan Republic was abolished by the Soviet Union. Although the second Eastern Turkistan Republic or Ili Government was supported and protected by the Soviet Union, at the end of the day, it became a victim of the Soviet Union, as well.

The Soviets again used of the dreams of liberation of Uyghur intellectuals in the Soviet Union and Xinjiang to pursue its own national interests in the 1940s, especially after the Chinese nationalist government began cooperating with the United States and the British, and both countries opened consulates in Ürümchi. Soviets used Uyghur intellectuals to publish the monthly Uyghur magazine Sherq Heqiqiti in Tashkent and Qazaq

Eli in Almaata and sent them to Xinjiang. The Soviets also sent some Uyghur intellectuals to the East Turkistan Republic as political, military, and administrative advisors. Within this environment, the Soviet Union supported and reenergized the independence struggle of the Uyghurs and other native peoples in Xinjiang province in order to establish its own influence in the region and dislodge the influence of the United States and Great Britain from this corner of Central Asia.

The role and involvement of the Soviet Union in the ETR and Xinjiang’s political life in 1944-49 was not reflected in the works of Soviet Russian historians until after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This was due primarily to the closed nature of the archival materials that were able to shed light on these issues. During the Cold War period almost all Western scholars who studied Sino-Soviet relations and Xinjiang, using some Chinese and Western diplomatic sources, concluded that the Soviet Union was deeply involved and played a key role in the establishment of the ETR and its military, political, economic, and other activities.65 But, they could not clarify their points with information from original Soviet documents. However, after the mid1990s, when Russian scholars started to open the archive documents relating to the Soviets involvement in the ETR, it was possible to shed light on the fact that the developments were part of the Soviets’ preconceived plan.

According to secret Soviet archives that were opened after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Stalin’s politburo decided to organize and support the national liberation movements in Xinjiang province.66 Until July 1946, high-level Soviet political and military advisers came from Moscow and regularly stayed in Ghulja, providing aid to the ETR.67 More than 2000 soldiers and 500 officers from the Red Army served in the National Army of the ETR,68 which numbered 30,000 soldiers.

The struggle for independence grew nationwide, and the Chinese Kuomintang government in Urumqi faced the possibility of defeat. At such a critical time, Stalin forced the East Turkestan leadership to compromise and negotiate with the Chinese Kuomintang government.
After nearly eight months of negotiation under intense pressure from Moscow, a coalition government was established in July of 1946 under which the Uyghurs and the Chinese would share political power. The coalition government collapsed within a year, and the Ili National army resumed fighting against Chinese forces. The Soviet Union never planned, however, to occupy Xinjiang or to establish an independent state on Xinjiang territory.69 Instead, in the 1940s, the Soviet Union only used the dream of independence and freedom of Uyghur intellectuals for its own national interests. According to Abdurewup Mexsum Ibrayimi, the General Secretary of the ETR in 1944-46, the Soviet Consuls and Generals, promised help to members of the Liberation Organization in the establishment of an independent state like Mongolia, but after October of 1945 they refused to help. “In the end, Stalin sold the ETR to communist China. The Soviets cheated us,” said Mr. Ibrayimi.70

Different ideas among Uyghur intellectuals, including establishing an independent state, attaining higher autonomy, or accepting the Soviet model and forming an allied or autonomous republic, completely failed in the end. There were domestic and external reasons for this. Different ideas and disagreements among intellectuals were related to the destiny of their own people. Each faction claimed that its ways and methods were best. At the same time, Uyghur intellectuals on both sides of the border in Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang became victims of the purges of Stalin and Sheng Shicai in 1937-38, and the new Uyghur intellectual elites that emerged in the 1930s were destroyed by the dictators of that period.

Almost all Soviet Uyghur intellectuals that supported the establishment of a Republic of Uyghuristan became victims of Stalinism. Meanwhile, the intellectuals from the Eastern Turkistan National Liberation Movement, who depended on the support of the Soviet Union, and of pro-Three Misters (üch ependichi), and intellectuals, based in Ürümchi, who relied on the support of nationalist China, refused and rejected each other’s views, despite their mutual desire to achieve independence. China claimed that the first stage of the ETR and its president, Elihan Töre and the

“Three Misters” in Ürümchi, had pan-Turkist or Pan-Islamic aims.
The division of the Uyghur intellectual class in the 20th century was a reflection of international and regional ideological and political competition in Eastern Turkistan and among the Uyghurs. The leadership of the first Eastern Turkistan Republic was formed by the individuals who were influenced by the Turkism and Islamist awakening movements, which emerged at the beginning of the 20th century, but their statist ideology based on Turkism turned out to be a victim of the complicated external and internal political situation in Eastern Turkistan and Central Asia, as well as of the conflict of interests and power struggles between the great powers. The intellectuals and leaders of the first republic were eliminated by the Soviet Union and its Chinese proxy Sheng Shicai. Their defeat was a loss felt by generations of Uyghurs.

After 1946, the new dream of some Uyghur Intellectuals and Ili leaders, including founders of the People’s Revolutionary Party, such as Abdukerim Abbasof and others after 1949—those who believed the Chinese communists’ earlier promises of self-determination for national minorities— was that the PRC would establish Soviet-style republics.
Among Uyghur intellectuals and former ETR (East Turkistan Republic) officials the ideas of Soviet-style republics within the newly built Chinese People’s Republic was very much alive in 1951. But until the death of Stalin in 1953, China did not pronounce clearly its position on what type of governance it would accord to Uyghurs – whether it would be a Soviet style union or an Autonomous republic on its own. Therefore, among former cadres of ETR and intellectuals, there was a desire to copy the Soviet style unification with China. At a 1951 conference in Ghulja city,  the former seat of  government of ETR, a group of Uyghur  leaders  proposed  the  establishment of a “Republic of Uyghuristan” with  the capacity to regulate all  its internal affairs.71  According to a former high level official of ETR, in March of 1951 in Ghulja city, the 51 ex-high officials and intellectuals of ETR gathered together for a special reunion conference on which they demanded the creation of the “Uyghuristan Au
tonomous Republic” from the PRC. In their submitted program they indicated the delegation of the exterior diplomatic, military powers of the said Autonomous Republic to Chinese government but have reserved the creation of its national army for domestic use, indicated selfgovernance and control over its wealth and trade.72 Even some of the former ETR cadres and intellectuals based in Ürümchi and Kashgar took part in this petition. And although, later in AprilMay, 1951 it was heavily condemned by the first conference of all nationalities of Xinjiang.73 But, in history this event remained as a “conference of 51″74 or “the movement of 51.”
In the end, however, Mao didn’t recognize the right to self-determination of the Uyghurs, Tibetans, Mongols, or others. Chinese leaders justified their choice by explaining that China’s situation was different from that in the Soviet Union. In 1955, two years after Stalin’s death, Mao Zedong passed over Stalin’s ethnic autonomous republic policy for the Uyghurs, a system some Uyghurs had hoped he would follow, and decided instead to establish regional autonomy in the province, renaming the area the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Many former ETR leaders and intellectuals looked to the leadership of this autonomous region with new dreams.

Uyghur intellectuals advocating for the establishment of the Uyghuristan Republic within the PRC in Xinjiang after 1950 were repressed by Chinese Communists.75

After the Qingdao meeting in 1957, at which Chinese premier Zhou Enlai strongly criticized former ETR Uyghur nationalists, some Uyghur nationalists immigrated to Soviet Central Asia. Some of them died or were assaulted during the Cultural Revolution.

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خوڭكوڭدىكى «سۇمۇرغ تېلېۋىزىيە ئىستانسىسى» نىڭ مۇخبىرلىرى 2015-يىلى ئاپرېل ئېيىدا ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدا ئون بەش كۈنلۈك نەق مەيدان زىيارىتىنى تاماملىغاندىن كېيىن يېزىپ چىققان زور ھەجىملىك «دىن ئەسەبىيلىكىنى يوقىتىش خىزمىتىنىڭ ئەمەلىي ئەھۋالى» ناملىق زىيارەت خاتىرىسى ئۆكتەبىر ئېيىدا «سۇمۇرغ تورى» دا يەتتە بابقا بۆلۈنۈپ ئېلان قىلىندى. شۇنىڭدىن كېيىن، يەنى 29-نويابىر كۈنى ئامېرىكا فروستبۇرگ ئۇنىۋېرسىتېتىنىڭ پروفېسسورى ما خەييۈن بۇ زىيارەت خاتىرىسىگە قارىتا ئوبزور يېزىپ، ئۇنىڭ مەزمۇن جەھەتتىكى چولتىلىقى ۋە بىرتەرەپلىمە خاراكتېرىنى تەنقىدلىدى.

پروفېسسور ما خەييۈن تۇڭگانلاردىن چىققان زىيالىيلاردىن بولۇپ، خىتايدىكى مىللەتلەر ۋە ئىسلام دىنى شۇنداقلا خىتاي بىلەن ئوتتۇرا شەرقنىڭ مۇناسىۋىتى قاتارلىق ساھەلەردە كۆزگە كۆرۈنگەن مۇتەخەسسىس. ئۇنىڭ پىكرىچە، مەزكۇر زىيارەت خاتىرىسى ئاپرېل ئايلىرىدا تاماملانغان بولسىمۇ، ئۇنىڭ مەتبۇئات يۈزىدە رەسمىي ئېلان قىلىنىشى «نيويورك ۋاقتى» گېزىتىنىڭ ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى سىياسىي مەسىلىلەرنى خەۋەر قىلىش بىلەن داڭ چىقارغان مۇخبىرى ئاندرۇ جېيكوبس (ئاندرەۋ جاچوبس) نىڭ ئۇيغۇرلارغا دائىر بىر قاتار خەۋەرلىرى ئېلان قىلىنغاندىن كېيىنكى ۋاقىتلارغا توغرا كېلىدۇ. ئاندرۇ جېيكوب ئۆزىنىڭ خىتاي تىلىنى ياخشى بىلىشتەك ئارتۇقچىلىقىغا تايىنىپ، ئۇيغۇر رايونىدا زىيارەتتە بولغاندا ئۇيغۇرلار جەمئىيىتىنىڭ رېئال ئەھۋالىنى يېزىق ۋە نەق مەيداندىن تارتىلغان سۈرەتلەر بىرلەشتۈرۈلگەن ھالدا جانلىق تەسۋىرلەپ بەرگەن، شۇنداقلا ساقچى ئىدارىلىرى، دوختۇرخانا قاتارلىق ئورۇنلارنىڭ ئۇيغۇرلاردىكى تىغلىق ئەسۋابلار، كىيىم-كېچەك، ساقال-بۇرۇت قاتارلىق ساھەلەرگە قارىتا ئېلان قىلغان تەشۋىقات ۋە بۇيرۇق ھۆججەتلىرىدىن مەلۇماتلار بەرگەن. ئەمما «سۇمۇرغ» تېلېۋىزىيىسىنىڭ مۇخبىرلىرى ئون بەش كۈنلۈك زىيارەت جەريانىدا تەڭرىتاغنىڭ جەنۇبى ۋە شىمالىدىكى ئون نەچچە شەھەر ۋە ناھىيىدە ئالاقىدار پارتكوم سېكرېتارلىرى ۋە سىياسىي قانۇن كومىتېتنىڭ مۇدىرلىرىنى زىيارەت ئوبيېكتى قىلغان. مۇخبىرلىقنىڭ ئەڭ ئەقەللىي قائىدىسى بويىچە ئامما ئارىسىغا قەدەم باسمىغان، شۇڭا ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى ھەرقانداق بىر شەھەردە كۆزگە چېلىقىدىغان «ئوقۇغۇچىلار ۋە بالاغەتكە يەتمىگەنلەر مەسچىتكە كىرىشكە بولمايدۇ» ياكى «خوتەندىكى پىۋا ئىچىش مۇسابىقىسى» دېگەندەك ئەڭ ئاددىي تەشۋىقات ماتېرىياللىرىنىمۇ «كۆرمەي قالغان». مۇشۇ ئەھۋاللار ھەققىدە گەپ بولۇنغاندا پروفېسسور ما خەييۈندىن، نېمە ئۈچۈن «سۇمۇرغ تورى»نىڭ زىيارەت خاتىرىسىنى تولىمۇ چولتا يېزىلغان، دەپ قارايدىغانلىقىنى سورىغىنىمىزدا ئۇ مۇنداق دېدى:
‏-ئۇلارنىڭ «تەپسىلىي خەۋەر» ياكى شۇنداقراق نامدا ئاتالغان بۇ نەرسىسىنى ئوقۇپ كۆرسىڭىز، مۇنداق بىرنەچچە نۇقتىنى بايقايسىز: بىرىنچىدىن، خۇددى ئاشۇ يازمىنىڭ ئاپتورى ئۆزى ئېيتقاندەك ئۇلار ئىككى ھەپتە ۋاقىت سەرپ قىلىپ، ئۇيغۇرلار رايونىدىكى ئون نەچچە شەھەر ۋە ناھىيىنى كېزىپ چىققان. شۇڭا بۇ زىيارەت خاتىرىسى نەق مەيداندىكى تەكشۈرۈشكە ئەمەس، بەلكى ساياھەتكە بەكرەك ئوخشىشىپ قالغان. چۈنكى ئۆزىڭىز بىلىسىز، تەڭرىتاغنىڭ جەنۇب ۋە شىمالىدىكى شۇنچە كەڭ زېمىندىكى شۇنچە كۆپ جايلارنى ئىككى ھەپتە ئىچىدە زىيارەت قىلىپ ئايلىنىپ بولۇش قانداقمۇ مۇمكىن بولسۇن؟ ئىككىنچىدىن، ئۇلار زىيارەت قىلغان كىشىلەر پۈتۈنلەي ئۇيغۇر رايونىدىكى مۇقىملىقنى ساقلاش خىزمىتىگە مەسئۇل يۇقىرى دەرىجىلىك ئەمەلدارلار، خالاس. مۇقىملىقنى ساقلىغۇچى ئەمەلدارلار بولغانىكەن، ئۇلار خىتاينىڭ قايسى ئۆلكىسىدە بولۇشتىن قەتئىينەزەر ھەرقاچان ئۆزلىرىنىڭ مۇقىملىقنى ساقلاش خىزمىتى جەريانىدا قانداق «زور ئۇتۇقلار»نى قولغا كەلتۈرگەنلىكىنى كۆپتۈرۈپ ياكى ئاشۇرۇپ سۆزلەشكە ئامراق كېلىدۇ. بۇ خىتايدىكى ھەممىگە مەلۇملۇق بىر ئورتاق كېسەل. شۇڭا ئۇلارنىڭ كىملەرنى زىيارەت قىلغانلىقىغا قارىسىڭىز، پۈتكۈل زىيارەت جەريانىدا ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى بىرمۇ ئۇيغۇرنى زىيارەت قىلمىغانلىقى مەلۇم بولىدۇ. ئۇلار يەنە تۈرمە ياكى شۇنىڭغا ئوخشاش جايلارنى زىيارەت قىلمىغان. شۇڭا ئۇلارنىڭ زىيارەت خاتىرىسىگە كۆز يۈگۈرتۈپ باققان ھەرقانداق كىشى بۇنىڭ ئالاھىدە ئورۇنلاشتۇرۇلغان بىر قېتىملىق سەپەر ئىكەنلىكىنى كۆرۈۋالالايدۇ. ھەتتا، مەلۇم مەنىدىن ئېيتقاندا شۇنداقمۇ دېيىشكە بولىدۇكى، ئۇلارنىڭ ئاشۇ قېتىمقى سەپىرى ئارقىلىق ئېلان قىلغان «زىيارەت خاتىرىسى» ئەمەلىيەتتە ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى مۇقىملىقنى ساقلىغۇچى تەشكىلاتلار ئورۇنلاشتۇرۇپ بەرگەن ياكى تەييارلاپ بەرگەن ماتېرىياللارنىڭ «سۇمۇرغ تورى» دا قايتىدىن ئېلان قىلىنىشى، خالاس.

ئۇنىڭ پىكرىچە، بىر ئېغىزمۇ ئۇيغۇرچە بىلمەيدىغان مۇخبىرلارنىڭ ئىككى ھەپتە ۋاقىت سەرپ قىلىپ، مۇقىملىقنى ساقلىغۇچى خىتاي كاتتىۋاشلاردىن ئون نەچچە ئادەمنى زىيارەت قىلغانلىقى، ئەمما ئون نەچچە مىليون ئۇيغۇر ياشايدىغان شۇنچە كەڭ زېمىندا ئون نەچچە كۈن «پەرۋاز» قىلغان بولسىمۇ يەرلىكتىكى ئۇيغۇر پۇقرالاردىن بىرەر ئادەمنى زىيارەت قىلمىغانلىقى ئۇلارنىڭ كەسپىي خادىملاردىن ئەمەسلىكىنى، شۇنداقلا ئۇلارنىڭ ئەڭ ئەقەللىي مۇخبىرلىق ئەخلاقىغىمۇ ھۆرمەت قىلمىغانلىقىنى كۆرسىتىدىكەن.

ئۇنىڭ ئېيتىشىچە، «سۇمۇرغ» تېلېۋىزىيىسىنىڭ مۇخبىرلىرى ئۆزلىرىنىڭ زىيارەت خاتىرىسىنى يېزىش جەريانىدا ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى مۇقىملىقنى ساقلىغۇچى خادىملارنىڭ يەرلىكنىڭ مۇقىملىقى ئۈچۈن زۆرۈر بولغان ئەڭ ئەقەللىي ساۋاتلاردىنمۇ خەۋەرسىز ئىكەنلىكىنى بىلىپ-بىلمەي ئاشكارىلاپ قويغان. زىيارەت جەريانىدا ئۇيغۇر ئاپتونوم رايونلۇق ج خ نازارىتىنىڭ نازىر دەرىجىلىك كادىرلىرىدىن بىرى مۇخبىرغا «سەمىمىيلىك» بىلەن ئۆزىنىڭ بۇ رايوندا شۇنچە يىل خىزمەت قىلغان تۇرۇقلۇق ئىسلام دىنى توغرىلىق ئازدۇر-كۆپتۇر بولسىمۇ ئىزدىنىپ باقمىغانلىقىنى ئېيتقان، شۇنداقلا «ھىجرەت»، «جىھاد»، «تەبلىغ»، «قەدىر كېچىسى»، «تۆت خەلىپە» دېگەنلەرنىڭ مەنىسىدىن خەۋەرسىز ئىكەنلىكىنى ئېتىراپ قىلغان. ئەمما مۇشۇ كادىرلار دانىشمەنلەرچە قىياپەتتە «مىللىي ئۆرپ-ئادەت بىلەن ئەسەبىي دىنىي چۈشەنچىنىڭ پەرقى» ھەققىدە مۇخبىرلارغا ساۋاق بېرىشتىن تارتىنىپ قالمىغان. بۇنىڭ بىلەن مۇشۇ كادىرلاردىن تەركىب تاپقان يەرلىك ھاكىمىيەت سىستېمىسى ئەمەلىيەتتە ئوتتۇرا ئەسىردىكى قازىخانىلارنىڭ سوت مەيدانىغا ئوخشىشىپ قالغان.

پروفېسسور ما خەييۈننىڭ قارىشىچە، «سۇمۇرغ تېلېۋىزىيىسى» نىڭ مۇخبىرلىرى زىيارەت قىلغان ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى يەرلىك ئەمەلدارلار ئۇيغۇرلارنىڭ دىنىي ئېتىقادى توغرىلىق ھېچنەرسە بىلمەيلا قالماستىن، يەنە ئۇيغۇرلارنىڭ ئۆرپ-ئادىتى، تۇرمۇش قاراشلىرى دېگەنلەردىن پۈتۈنلەي خەۋەرسىز. شۇنىڭ بىلەن بىرگە ئۇيغۇرلار دىيارىدىكى يەرلىك ئەمەلدارلاردا ئومۇميۈزلۈك مەۋجۇت بولغان خىتاينىڭ ئەڭ ئەقەللىي دۆلەت ئەھۋالىدىنمۇ ھاماقەتلەرچە بىخەۋەر بولۇشىنى كۆرگەن ھەرقانداق ئادەم ياقىسىنى چىشلىمەي قالمايدۇ. ئۇ مىسال تەرىقىسىدە ئۆكتەبىر ئېيىدا ئاقسۇ تەۋەسىدىكى بىرنەچچە ناھىيىدە ئۆتكۈزۈلگەن «نان چىشلەپ خىتاي خەرىتىسى چىقىرىش» پائالىيىتىنى تىلغا ئالىدۇ. ئۇيغۇرلارنىڭ ناننى ئاۋۋال ئوشتۇپ، ئاندىن پارچىلاپ يەيدىغانلىقىدەك ئەقەللىي تۇرمۇش ئادىتىگىمۇ ھۆرمەت قىلىش يادىغا كەلمىگەن يەرلىك ئەمەلدارلار ئاتالمىش مۇسابىقە ئارقىلىق ئۇيغۇرلارنى «ناننى ئوشتۇماي پۈتۈن ھالەتتە يېيىش» كە زورلىغان، بۇنىڭ بىلەن «نان چىشلەپ ھاسىل قىلىنغان خىتاي خەرىتىسى» دە خىتاي ئۇزۇندىن بۇيان داۋا قىلىپ كېلىۋاتقان تەيۋەن ئۆلكىسى چۈشۈپ قالغان. خىتاينىڭ چوڭ دۆلەتچىلىك نۇقتىئىنەزىرىدىن ئېيتقاندا، بۇ «ۋەتەنپەرۋەرلىك» نامىدا ئوتتۇرىغا چىققان «تەيۋەن مۇستەقىللىقىنى داۋراڭ قىلىش» تەك بىر تۈرلۈك «بۆلگۈنچىلىك» قىلمىشى ھېسابلىنىدۇ.

image

http://www.rfa.org/uyghur/xewerler/mulahize/sumurgh-uyghur-12072015142111.html/story_main?encoding=latin

Xongkongdiki «sumurgh téléwiziye istansisi» ning muxbirliri 2015-Yili aprél éyida uyghurlar diyarida on besh künlük neq meydan ziyaritini tamamlighandin kéyin yézip chiqqan zor hejimlik «din esebiylikini yoqitish xizmitining emeliy ehwali» namliq ziyaret xatirisi öktebir éyida «sumurgh tori» da yette babqa bölünüp élan qilindi. Shuningdin kéyin, yeni 29-Noyabir küni amérika frostburg uniwérsitétining proféssori ma xeyyün bu ziyaret xatirisige qarita obzor yézip, uning mezmun jehettiki choltiliqi we birtereplime xaraktérini tenqidlidi.

Proféssor ma xeyyün tungganlardin chiqqan ziyaliylardin bolup, xitaydiki milletler we islam dini shundaqla xitay bilen ottura sherqning munasiwiti qatarliq sahelerde közge körüngen mutexessis. Uning pikriche, mezkur ziyaret xatirisi aprél aylirida tamamlanghan bolsimu, uning metbuat yüzide resmiy élan qilinishi «nyoyork waqti» gézitining uyghurlar diyaridiki siyasiy mesililerni xewer qilish bilen dang chiqarghan muxbiri andru jéykobs (andrew jachobs) ning uyghurlargha dair bir qatar xewerliri élan qilinghandin kéyinki waqitlargha toghra kélidu. Andru jéykob özining xitay tilini yaxshi bilishtek artuqchiliqigha tayinip, uyghur rayonida ziyarette bolghanda uyghurlar jemiyitining réal ehwalini yéziq we neq meydandin tartilghan süretler birleshtürülgen halda janliq teswirlep bergen, shundaqla saqchi idariliri, doxturxana qatarliq orunlarning uyghurlardiki tighliq eswablar, kiyim-Kéchek, saqal-Burut qatarliq sahelerge qarita élan qilghan teshwiqat we buyruq höjjetliridin melumatlar bergen. Emma «sumurgh» téléwiziyisining muxbirliri on besh künlük ziyaret jeryanida tengritaghning jenubi we shimalidiki on nechche sheher we nahiyide alaqidar partkom sékrétarliri we siyasiy qanun komitétning mudirlirini ziyaret obyékti qilghan. Muxbirliqning eng eqelliy qaidisi boyiche amma arisigha qedem basmighan, shunga uyghurlar diyaridiki herqandaq bir sheherde közge chéliqidighan «oqughuchilar we balaghetke yetmigenler meschitke kirishke bolmaydu» yaki «xotendiki piwa ichish musabiqisi» dégendek eng addiy teshwiqat matériyallirinimu «körmey qalghan». Mushu ehwallar heqqide gep bolunghanda proféssor ma xeyyündin, néme üchün «sumurgh tori»ning ziyaret xatirisini tolimu cholta yézilghan, dep qaraydighanliqini sorighinimizda u mundaq dédi:
‏-Ularning «tepsiliy xewer» yaki shundaqraq namda atalghan bu nersisini oqup körsingiz, mundaq birnechche nuqtini bayqaysiz: birinchidin, xuddi ashu yazmining aptori özi éytqandek ular ikki hepte waqit serp qilip, uyghurlar rayonidiki on nechche sheher we nahiyini kézip chiqqan. Shunga bu ziyaret xatirisi neq meydandiki tekshürüshke emes, belki sayahetke bekrek oxshiship qalghan. Chünki özingiz bilisiz, tengritaghning jenub we shimalidiki shunche keng zémindiki shunche köp jaylarni ikki hepte ichide ziyaret qilip aylinip bolush qandaqmu mumkin bolsun? ikkinchidin, ular ziyaret qilghan kishiler pütünley uyghur rayonidiki muqimliqni saqlash xizmitige mesul yuqiri derijilik emeldarlar, xalas. Muqimliqni saqlighuchi emeldarlar bolghaniken, ular xitayning qaysi ölkiside bolushtin qetiynezer herqachan özlirining muqimliqni saqlash xizmiti jeryanida qandaq «zor utuqlar»ni qolgha keltürgenlikini köptürüp yaki ashurup sözleshke amraq kélidu. Bu xitaydiki hemmige melumluq bir ortaq késel. Shunga ularning kimlerni ziyaret qilghanliqigha qarisingiz, pütkül ziyaret jeryanida uyghurlar diyaridiki birmu uyghurni ziyaret qilmighanliqi melum bolidu. Ular yene türme yaki shuninggha oxshash jaylarni ziyaret qilmighan. Shunga ularning ziyaret xatirisige köz yügürtüp baqqan herqandaq kishi buning alahide orunlashturulghan bir qétimliq seper ikenlikini körüwalalaydu. Hetta, melum menidin éytqanda shundaqmu déyishke boliduki, ularning ashu qétimqi sepiri arqiliq élan qilghan «ziyaret xatirisi» emeliyette uyghurlar diyaridiki muqimliqni saqlighuchi teshkilatlar orunlashturup bergen yaki teyyarlap bergen matériyallarning «sumurgh tori» da qaytidin élan qilinishi, xalas.

Uning pikriche, bir éghizmu uyghurche bilmeydighan muxbirlarning ikki hepte waqit serp qilip, muqimliqni saqlighuchi xitay kattiwashlardin on nechche ademni ziyaret qilghanliqi, emma on nechche milyon uyghur yashaydighan shunche keng zéminda on nechche kün «perwaz» qilghan bolsimu yerliktiki uyghur puqralardin birer ademni ziyaret qilmighanliqi ularning kespiy xadimlardin emeslikini, shundaqla ularning eng eqelliy muxbirliq exlaqighimu hörmet qilmighanliqini körsitidiken.

Uning éytishiche, «sumurgh» téléwiziyisining muxbirliri özlirining ziyaret xatirisini yézish jeryanida uyghurlar diyaridiki muqimliqni saqlighuchi xadimlarning yerlikning muqimliqi üchün zörür bolghan eng eqelliy sawatlardinmu xewersiz ikenlikini bilip-Bilmey ashkarilap qoyghan. Ziyaret jeryanida uyghur aptonom rayonluq j x nazaritining nazir derijilik kadirliridin biri muxbirgha «semimiylik» bilen özining bu rayonda shunche yil xizmet qilghan turuqluq islam dini toghriliq azdur-Köptur bolsimu izdinip baqmighanliqini éytqan, shundaqla «hijret», «jihad», «tebligh», «qedir kéchisi», «töt xelipe» dégenlerning menisidin xewersiz ikenlikini étirap qilghan. Emma mushu kadirlar danishmenlerche qiyapette «milliy örp-Adet bilen esebiy diniy chüshenchining perqi» heqqide muxbirlargha sawaq bérishtin tartinip qalmighan. Buning bilen mushu kadirlardin terkib tapqan yerlik hakimiyet sistémisi emeliyette ottura esirdiki qazixanilarning sot meydanigha oxshiship qalghan.

Proféssor ma xeyyünning qarishiche, «sumurgh téléwiziyisi» ning muxbirliri ziyaret qilghan uyghurlar diyaridiki yerlik emeldarlar uyghurlarning diniy étiqadi toghriliq héchnerse bilmeyla qalmastin, yene uyghurlarning örp-Aditi, turmush qarashliri dégenlerdin pütünley xewersiz. Shuning bilen birge uyghurlar diyaridiki yerlik emeldarlarda omumyüzlük mewjut bolghan xitayning eng eqelliy dölet ehwalidinmu hamaqetlerche bixewer bolushini körgen herqandaq adem yaqisini chishlimey qalmaydu. U misal teriqiside öktebir éyida aqsu tewesidiki birnechche nahiyide ötküzülgen «nan chishlep xitay xeritisi chiqirish» paaliyitini tilgha alidu. Uyghurlarning nanni awwal oshtup, andin parchilap yeydighanliqidek eqelliy turmush aditigimu hörmet qilish yadigha kelmigen yerlik emeldarlar atalmish musabiqe arqiliq uyghurlarni «nanni oshtumay pütün halette yéyish» ke zorlighan, buning bilen «nan chishlep hasil qilinghan xitay xeritisi» de xitay uzundin buyan dawa qilip kéliwatqan teywen ölkisi chüshüp qalghan. Xitayning chong döletchilik nuqtiineziridin éytqanda, bu «wetenperwerlik» namida otturigha chiqqan «teywen musteqilliqini dawrang qilish» tek bir türlük «bölgünchilik» qilmishi hésablinidu.

wanglequan1
名家  2015年11月29日 | 作者:马海云 | 专栏:观念平台

「凤凰」飞过天山──媒体对新疆的片面解读

http://www.orientaldaily.com.my/columns/pl20151718

 

10月12日,凤凰网推出「新疆去极端化调查」长篇调查报道。据悉,该网主笔陈芳在4月初,「歷时近半月,走访新疆和田地区墨玉县、和田县、于田县、喀什地区叶城县、莎车县、疏附县、喀什市,伊犁州伊寧县,对话数十位基层、地厅、自治区级官员等,就新疆「去极端化」工作展开深入调查。」从后文来看,这位主笔以「沿街走访」、「探访监狱」等形式走访的县市还包括伽师县、玉田县、乌鲁木齐等。

换句话说,除去正常的交通和作息时间,「近半月」之內走访十多个县市意味著该主笔在每个地方的滯留时间还不到一天。

去过新疆的人都知道,两周之內,即便是走马观花式旅游,两周之內游歷天山南北十多个县市也绝非易事(除非有特殊的交通和后勤安排)。在如此短的时间內,该主笔不但要「深入调查」,还要「沿街走访」、「探访监狱」、「对话」「数十位」基层、地厅、自治区官员,其效率不可谓不高。

更绝的是,如此行程居然也能衍生出「新疆去极端化调查」系列重磅稿件:《主稿:新疆去极端化调查》、《独家专访新疆政法委书记》、《新疆五县书记谈基层去极端化》、《南疆两位乡镇干部眼中的去极端化》、《本土学者谈外界对新疆的误读》。

儘管文中多处刻意提及「村落」、「走访」、「20万干部下基层」、「村委会」、「基层组织」等疑似走村串巷的暗示,但通篇报道连一个维吾尔民寻常百姓的访谈都没有。这一所谓的「深入调查」充其量也只是个专门安排的特殊旅游而已,而其泡製的所谓重磅稿件,至多可称为新疆维稳官僚访谈录。

所以,不难理解,该主笔在新疆的大街小巷没有看到或听到在维吾尔居住地早已实施的震惊世界舆论並置中国外交于尷尬地步的粗俗宣传和粗暴政策,如各地清真寺门口的以维、汉双语书写的「严禁学生和未成年人进清真寺」的警示牌,甚至连以救死扶伤为天职的伊犁州卫生局也编印了「不得封斋做礼拜」的维稳宣传材料,更不说某些地区强制禁止维吾尔人使用穆斯林名字的极端做法。

透露官员真面目

当然,凤凰主笔更不会听说阿克苏路边哨卡甚至枪杀过路女教师李文洁一事,也没有可能去读「7.5检查清真寺礼拜情况的驻村日誌」,当然也绝不会提及斋月前夕和田地区组织的维吾尔人啤酒节等地方性政策和实践。嘲讽的是,该主笔就「深入调查」过上述地区。

当然凤凰主笔的维稳官僚访谈录也不经意地透露出新疆维稳官员的真实面目。如一位自治区厅级官员向凤凰网坦言,「在新疆工作这么长时间,还真没有认真研究过宗教,对诸如『伊吉拉特』、大小『吉哈德』、『台比力克』、『盖德尔夜』、四大哈里发、瓦哈比等真正含义確实不清楚。」

没有认真研究过宗教就能编写《如何区分正常宗教活动、非法宗教活动、民族风俗习惯、宗教极端思想的界限》,就能將地方官僚体系当成中世纪的宗教裁判所,这绝对是世界宗教管理史上的奇葩。

新疆官员及其幕僚不但对维吾尔人的宗教无知,当然更谈不上对维吾尔生活的瞭解和对其生活习俗的尊重,新疆地方官员甚至对中国基本国情的无知都能惊爆眼球。如最近阿克苏组织的「爱国主义」啃囊活动居然啃出了不含台湾、海南等岛屿的中国地图,公然以「爱国主义」之名行分裂主义和台独主义之实。20万干部下乡,甚至连维吾尔人的饮食习俗都不瞭解和尊重,维吾尔人吃囊是掰而食之,而不是啃而吞之。

这一「深入调查」报道发佈时机也耐人寻味。其一,尤其是在今年斋月后,中国积极调整新疆地方的极端反宗教政策,力图避免新疆宗教问题成为「一带一路」的绊脚石,同时大力推进新疆的反腐。隨著中央政府反腐的深入,新疆公安、宗教、兵团等机构的腐败份子逐渐浮出水面。

换句话说,中国已经认识到,新疆的「反恐」和「反腐」同样重要,甚至从某种程度上说「反腐」就是「反恐」的重要组成部分。凤凰网的「重磅稿件」在中国调整新疆宗教政策之际,仅仅根据两周之內对几十个维稳官员的访谈,大肆舆论渲染新疆「三股势力」危险,高调歌颂维稳官僚,试图以「反恐」舆论掩盖「反腐」呼声。

深入了解是尊重

其二,在本月俄罗斯军事打击敘利亚反对派和伊斯兰国组织(IS)之际,以色列情报机构操控的宣传机器及其游说集团通过夸大「东突」在敘利亚的存在,大肆鼓吹中国出兵敘利亚。值得注意的是,在有关中国新疆问题的敘述上,包括香港台湾在內的的华人面孔(尤其是智库和媒体人员)也蹊蹺地在这一时间点加入这一宣传。

其三,在凤凰网发佈这「重磅稿件」一周前,长期报道新疆问题的《纽约时报》记者杰安迪(AndrewJacobs)刚发佈有关新疆採访系列推特报道。和凤凰网的维稳官员採访录相反,杰安迪图文並茂地展示了新疆基层社会的真实状况,如公安、医院等部门对维吾尔刀具、服饰、鬍鬚的管制宣传、警察在喀什老城监督实施「靚丽工程」、禁止著装不適的维吾尔人进入喀什老城、协警的遍佈、路边哨卡的林立、宣传部门官员对外国记者的全天候跟隨、甚至宣传部门官员在精通汉语的杰安迪面前要求翻译「不要翻译不利于中国的地方」。

由于国情不同,不同国家的媒体人报道新疆问题的角度各异也可以理解。但如果仅仅在两周之內飞跃了天山南北十几个县市、会面了数十名维稳官员及其幕僚,就写出有关诸如「三股势力」「去极端化」等所谓的「重磅报道」和「深入调查」,则不但不专业,甚至不道德。

受过专业和语言训练的人类学家,即使为了瞭解一个小村落,都需要和当地人同吃、同住、同劳动至少六个月。当然,要求一个网站的写手遵循基本的学术规范和道德也不切实际。

但是,一句维吾尔语也不会、一个维吾尔百姓也没有访谈、一个只走维稳路线的主笔,两周走遍天山南北十几个县市就拋出关乎一千多万维吾尔人、一百六十万平方公里的新疆的所谓「重磅报道」,其炸伤的绝不仅仅是中国的维吾尔人。

The Disorder Of Things

elamineredA guest post from Loubna El Amine. Loubna teaches political theory, with a particular focus on early Chinese political thought at the Department of Government, Georgetown University (her teaching was mentioned on this blog last year).  Before Georgetown, Loubna was a postdoctoral fellow at the Whitney Humanities Center at Yale University. She holds a PhD in Politics from Princeton University and a BA in Political Studies from the American University of Beirut.  Classical Confucian Political Thought: A New Interpretation (Princeton University Press, 2015) is her freshly pressed first book.


elaminebook

I recently wrote a book. Its cover is (very) red and features an ornate golden doorknob shaped like the face of a lion. I have always dreamt of writing a book. The experience of seeing one with my name on it fills me with a combination of delight and incredulity. I am sure all first-time authors experience a similar feeling. In my…

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tp://www.cdnews.com.tw 2015-11-16 20:26:00

 繼年初法國的《查理週刊》因為刊載侮辱穆斯林先知的漫畫而遭受攻擊以來,週五的恐怖襲擊又一次血染了法國、震撼了世界。 根據目前披露的有限資訊,這是同法國處於交戰狀態的伊斯蘭國發動的恐怖報復襲擊。 儘管今年針對法國的每一次襲擊都有其具體的導火索,但梳理法國政權同穆斯林公民的關係,總結其經驗教訓,對於預防恐怖主義攻擊不無裨益。

也許是作為現代世俗政治體系和三權分立制度的開創者,政教分離原則成為近代法蘭西民族國家和民族文化的重要認同標杆。 從歷史的角度來看,政教分離終結了中世紀基督教神權政治的黑暗,以現代民族國家的形式實現和恢復了羅馬帝國世俗政權對宗教的控制。 崛起後的世俗民族國家法國便通過殖民主義、資本主義、帝國主義以及民主主義參與了不同階段的世界體系建設。 其結果是,在北非和地中海東岸對穆斯林國家的長期殖民統治和二戰後 “法國聯盟”的建構事實上擴大和瓦解了法國作為一個單一民族國家的想像和現實。 但是,正值冷戰之際,短暫的法國聯盟解體之後,法蘭西只是作為一個介於美蘇和第三世界之間的二流國家,蛻變成一個混合了殖民地人口(主要是穆斯林)的不太單一的民族國家。

1989年開始的“蘇東劇變”為法蘭西大國重新崛起和文化自我定義提供了天賜良機。 法國的文化民族主義開始影響國內政治。也就是從 1989年開始,法國穆斯林女學生的頭巾便成為國內政治焦點。 90年代中後期對學生穿戴宗教裝飾品(如頭巾)的爭論便成為法國政治和選舉不可回避的話題。 其結果是“頭巾法案”在2004年得以通過,成為法律,從而實現了法國教育的“法蘭西化。” 2010年,法國開始擴大到在所有公共場合禁止宗教服飾。奇怪的是,四年以後,萬里之外的新疆烏魯木齊市也效法並通過《烏魯木齊市公共場所禁止穿戴蒙面罩袍的規定》的法式法規。 僅僅一個月後,新疆維吾爾自治區便決定批准《烏魯木齊市公共場所禁止穿戴蒙面罩袍的規定》的實施。

“蘇東”解體以後的法國不但政治化穆斯林公民的頭巾,而且也政治化穆斯林的飲食。 正如英國《衛報》在 2015年10月13日報導的那樣,巴黎南郊的切利瑪紮林小鎮又掀起了豬肉政治,即該鎮的公立學校取消了學生的飲食選擇,而一律開始提供豬肉。 換句話說,法國穆斯林公民同樣作為納稅人,他 們子女在公立學校僅僅因為宗教信仰卻無法和其他孩子那樣得到自己能吃的食品。正如一位法國官員所說的那樣,豬肉的問題僅僅是個象徵,它揭示的是2017年總統選舉中的世俗主義爭辯。 極右翼總統候選人薩科齊早已在法國電視臺上公然支持此舉, “如果你的孩子需要吃宗教飲食,那麼就去私立宗教學院。” 無獨有偶,就在前兩天,法國堅持給伊朗總統的國宴上酒而導致國宴取消,90年代世界政治經濟格局劇變後崛起的法國的傲慢與偏見由此可見一斑。

而作為同樣是民主、世俗、傳統文化保持更好的國家日本,卻在對穆斯林文化理解和寬容方面提供了東方的智慧。 據“朝日新聞”11月11日的報導,日本“更多大學為穆斯林學生準備清真食品。” 日本的一份學生報紙“朝日中高生新聞”甚至早在2014年11月9日呼籲學生嘗試清真飲食以便更好地理解異文化。甚至同為中華文化圈的臺灣,近幾年因營造對穆斯林友好的社會文化氛圍而吸引了大量的穆斯林遊客。不僅如此,值此敘利亞人道危機之際,臺灣的慈濟基金會更是通過在土耳其細緻周到的慈善服務樹立了臺灣高大上的軟實力形象。

嘖嘖稱奇的是,另一東方大國中國,在法國豬肉風波發生僅僅一周後,在實名註冊的微博上,一個自詡為(公安部) “指揮中心副主任 、公安部十佳青年、全國優秀人民警察 、三級警監”的博主就在10月24日發表了一篇題為“國家應警惕宗教教法的出現”的微博文章,公然迎合和極端化法國右翼的宗教政策。他在這一微博中公然聲稱, “若一款標明清真的產品,即使其標示含有豬肉成份,那麼其成份既已標示,便不涉做假範圍,乃屬商家自由理解清真和自由使用範圍,任何人都無權對其有所干涉。 ”如此及時地在微博上煽動比法國更法蘭西的民族宗教仇恨言論,其動機不得不引起中國政府的重視。

最有意思的是,在巴黎恐怖襲擊發生之後,一則姍姍來遲的有關新疆反恐的圖文並茂的微博“洩密”引起了廣泛的關注。 據報導,巴黎恐襲發生後,公安部披露,新疆警方攀山越嶺,對一夥持槍恐怖分子展開長達五十六天的追剿, 恐怖分子全部被殲滅。 據悉,這夥恐怖分子或與新疆拜城一個煤礦的恐襲事件有關。 另據上述“指揮中心副主任”的微博披露,“2015年9月18日,在中國新疆拜城一夥持刀暴恐份子在深夜人靜時襲擊了一座煤礦。他們首先殺死了警衛,然後襲擊了在宿舍床上睡覺的礦工。據受害者親屬和居民說,這場殺戮最終導致逾50人死亡。”海外媒體早已在9月22日揭示了來自三個維吾爾家庭成員參與此次攻擊。 根據當地幹部的敘述,實施攻擊的三個家庭由於遭受新疆持續不斷地“去極端化”運動騷擾。 甚至在一次組織的公開跳舞活動中,當“爾薩(攻擊者之一)的一成年兒子拒絕跳舞後,被鎮黨委書記掐住脖子推到舞場當中。

如此重大的恐怖主義襲擊事件,新疆政府居然等到法國發聲恐怖襲擊後才以猶抱琵琶半遮面的微博形式巧妙“洩密”。 路透社在 11月14的報導中就已敏銳地注意到這一“洩密”方式的特殊性、時效性和其試圖建構與法國的相關性。 在“中國不同尋常地展示反恐畫面“的報導中,路透社特意留意到其中一張照片提到“(新疆的這一反恐行動)今天下午4:40,戰鬥結束” (剛好56天!)換句話說,巴黎發聲恐怖襲擊之後的第二天,這一詭秘微博短文才以精確到小時的凱旋式總結宣告了新疆反恐勝利。 路透社同時也捕捉到這一資訊最早由公安部微博釋出,旋即消失。 新浪網、中國網、網易都轉發了這篇題為 “新疆警方追擊56天,全殲一批暴恐分子。”最值得觀察的是,這一“洩密”及其轉載很快都被刪除,其背後動機更值得思索。

從法國的右翼政治和選舉政治(頭巾和豬肉)到烏魯木齊的禁止頭巾的地方性立法,從巴黎襲擊到中國反恐展示無不透露出一種巧妙地安排和佈局,即新疆反恐的法國化。 筆者已在 “中國《反恐怖主義法》出臺背景”一文中指出,在周永康領導下的中國公安部在9/11 事件發生發生之後便借機成立“反恐協調小組。” 而美國奧巴馬上台之後,美國反恐戰略已經已經由基督教原教旨主義共和黨的反“伊斯蘭恐怖主義“的意識戰爭轉為民主黨更為具體、更具操作性的懲罰 “ 犯罪份子”的斬首行動。 而中國公安部不但沒有及時調整應對美國的這一“去反恐”戰略轉變,反而變本加厲地將“反恐協調小組”升級為“反恐領導小組”。

更值得關注的是,在後來周永康主政政法委時期,新疆在 2009 年11月21日牽頭成立了所謂的“天山工程” ,直接領導西北五省的“國家文化安全”工作,不 斷地攜“天山工程”以令諸省,甚至時至今日動輒拘捕鄰省官方認可的穆斯林宗教領袖,甚至以“反恐”行動掌控中國有關新疆的學術與輿論話語(如“新疆工程” 、 “新疆13”等巨額社科項目和事件以及最近鳳凰網的反恐頌歌)。

甚至在國際反恐層面上,在美國中亞反恐戰略轉型已成定局的情況下,新疆反恐政策的法國化轉變異常顯眼。 如前所述,甚至在全國人大都沒有討論實施關涉國家主權和安全的法律之前,新疆居然實施各種極端的地方性法規(甚至穆斯林群眾拒絕和幹部握手行為也成了極端主義表現),最終造成2015年土耳其等國家的大規模抗議,直接破壞中央的“一路一帶”建設和民心相通工程。 反思和清除周永康“反恐”遺產及其與新疆之關聯、去除中國反恐的新疆化和新疆反恐的法國化或許才是中國作為一個獨特全球大國在終結恐怖主義方面可能的貢獻。

(馬海雲,美國霜堡大學歷史系教授,主攻中國伊斯蘭教文化和穆斯林民族以及中國-伊斯蘭世界關係研究)

【中央網路報】

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在出席上合组织会议和金砖国家会议之前,印度总理莫迪分别访问了乌兹别克斯坦、哈萨克斯坦等中亚五国。如果说参加上合组织峰会和金砖国家峰会是个政治和经济会议,莫迪对中亚国家的出访则可视为是一次历史文化之旅。从莫迪的遣词造句到礼物赠送,无不显示出他为这次出访中亚突厥国家所作的精心准备及背后的文化战略。

如果从九一一事件之后的印度-中亚关系升温、美国的阿富汗重建项目以及美印自2011年起始的新丝绸之路项目的角度看,这次莫迪精心准备的历史文化之旅,显示了印度对连接中亚和南亚的新丝绸之路的深化和期盼:除了油气、棉花、交通、运输等硬件项目万事俱备的条件,连接南北阿富汗到沟通中南亚的南北走向的新丝路的“东风”,就是中南亚国家的民心相通。莫迪的中亚文化之旅在某种程度上是去借新丝路的 “东风。”

在这种背景下,不难理解莫迪对中亚国家的文化之旅,是为了深化和中亚历史、宗教、文化渊源。在哈萨克斯坦纳巴尔巴耶夫大学的讲话中,莫迪不但赞扬了哈萨克斯坦通过举办“世界和传统宗教领袖大会”促进世界和平的努力,也不失时机地给纳巴尔扎耶夫总统赠送源自印度的宗教典籍。有意思的是,据今年4月份的一些媒体报道,哈萨克斯坦学者认为,释迦摩尼可能是哈萨克人。莫迪的这一及时举措是为了证明,“在过去的一千多年前,中亚和印度相互深深影响了彼此。”他到这里来是“为此古老关系书写新的篇章,以便在21世纪共建丝绸之路”。

在此次文化之旅中最有意思的插曲是,莫迪在纳扎尔巴耶夫大学引用当代著名维吾尔人诗人阿不都热衣木·乌提库尔诗歌《足迹》来结束其演讲。他向哈萨克斯坦朋友们朗诵说,在遥远的丝绸之路上,“尽管人困马乏,但驼队从未停下,我们的子孙将会找到先辈的足迹”。因为“我们的存在依旧,我们的梦想依旧,一切依然如故。”他引用维吾尔诗人的词句,不但凸显了突厥民族在丝绸之路上的重要性,也强调了印度自远古时期就和中亚民族在宗教、文化、政治和经济等方面的密切关系。值得回味的是,在目前中国因为新疆维吾尔宗教问题,而同突厥世界领袖土耳其发生口角之际,这一引用有意无意地映衬出印度对突厥文化的尊重。

莫迪的文化之旅也反映印度处理中亚国家极端主义的博大智慧,即以多元文化的宽容与交流,去缔造一个更为和平的世界。在莫迪出访期间,《印度教徒报》在7月8日就自豪地宣称:“在西方‘反激进主义’措施被证明是失败之际,印度在阻止穆斯林人群滑向激进主义方面取得了举世公认的成就。”换句话说,印度不但试图以其世界性的宗教文化遗产,和中亚国家建立更为亲密的人文关系,而且为中亚的民族和宗教冲突,积极贡献自己的独特智慧和经验。不应忽略的是,南亚次大陆的穆斯林知识份子网络、教育、教派在历史上就同中亚地区有紧密的联系。或许在莫迪新的文化战略中,印度穆斯林和伊斯兰在重建中亚和南亚关系方面将发挥独特的作用。

莫迪的文化之旅或许对中国是一个启示,同时也是一个警示。儒家文化本来就只是个东亚的区域性文化。近几年孔子学院在西方和其他地区的经历表明,儒家文化在除东亚地区之外的输出已经苦难重重。在发展同中亚突厥和穆斯林国家关系中,中国原本拥有维吾尔独特的地理、历史、宗教、语言、文化和人脉优势。但是,由于新疆持续的“反三股势力”运动和“反恐”斗争,维吾尔宗教文化不但没有成为中国发展同中亚国家的战略资源,反而成了负资产。而本来同中亚并不接壤的印度,却在高调地借用维吾尔宗教文化资源,去和诸如中国、俄罗斯这样的亚欧大国竞争同中亚突厥穆斯林国家的关系。
作者是美国霜堡大学历史系教授,主攻中国伊斯兰教文化和穆斯林民族以及中国-伊斯兰世界关系研究