passport-huzhao

The following selected letters are written by a Hui father, Ma Zhifang (马志芳), from Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture of Gansu province to appeal the Gansu government to implement China’s Constitution in this Chinese province and to issue passports to his son and him . At the same time, this father reveals the dirty politics of passport adjustment or 护照调控 in Muslim autonomous regions in Northwest provicnes (beyond Xinjiang and Tibet).

http://greenflag.blog.sohu.com/147027661.html

http://greenflag.blog.sohu.com/247821987.html

穆斯林是中国公民吗?

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本来,护照(passport)是一个国家的公民出入本国国境和到国外旅行或居留时, 由本国发给的一种证明该公民国籍和身份的证件。

  不复杂吧?在一个正常的国家,公民往往持有“三证”,即身份证、驾驶证和护照。记得哪年在云南昆明举办什么“博览会”时,举办者专门邀请一些欠发达国家的驻华领事馆,在会议期间开设“护照”与“签证”业务:只要交70元人民币,就可以买到“模拟护照”,然后,傻乎乎的中国公民在那些“领事馆”前排起长队盖章“签证”。并不可笑,毕竟刚刚走出十年动乱,毕竟刚刚结束与国外有联系就有“特嫌”的闹剧。但这至少说明,护照与签证依然不失为奢侈品。

2008年,我的儿子被马来西亚多媒体大学录取,因高考成绩优秀,被该大学授予全额奖学金。然而,在甘肃省临夏回族自治州的公安局,我们难以通过正常手续和途径申办护照。他们居然提出“要求”:让马来西亚驻华大使馆“证明”多媒体大学的存在。真是荒唐,一所国外的大学怎么由大使馆证明呢?当我们到马来西亚大使馆开证明时,在那里工作的中国人惊讶不已:“什么临夏州?这是外交笑话!马来西亚的大学是否存在应该由中国政府证明,不是由当事国的大使馆证明。”无奈,我通过马来西亚的朋友,找到大使馆的负责人,请他们考虑临夏“回族自治州”的“州情”,破例开个证明。我们从中国人手中开出开明后,他们哭笑不得。可是,因前后倒来倒去两个多月,超过那边的开学期限,我的孩子未能成行,奖学金也作废了。

  从中感到,我们这些少数民族尚未享有申办护照的平等,或是尚未享有起码的民族平等。因为,回族以及信仰伊斯兰的其他少数民族(还有甘南州的藏族同胞)很难通过正常途径申办护照;不论有什么公开与隐蔽的理由,这都难以体现民族平等,都难免涉嫌民族歧视,也非《宪法》和中央的精神!  

  前不久,我们在一个朋友家座谈,我以申办护照为例,提出维权的事。有人笑谈:“我因读博,把户口迁到上海。在那里申办护照时,我提前想好很多要回答的理由。递给身份证和户籍复印件后,办公者头也不抬地问‘自己来取护照还是邮寄?’”

  还能说什么?  

  事出有因:甘肃省曾出台违反相关国法和国际法的《特殊地区公民申请因私普通护照的调控措施》。虽然,之前我们少数民族申办护照依然艰难!

  没什么,我们将依法诉讼,依法维权,直到可以通过需要的手续申办和获得护照!

  中国社会逐渐导向公民社会,逐渐实现正义和公平,这应是人心所向,也是大势所趋。

Old Hui

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2月20日,甘肃省公安厅纪委曹书记与我通了电话。此前,由于感冒,我关了手机。曹书记的人重视与我联系,专门在搜狐建立“一次性博客”,给我留言;又在中国穆斯林网注册用户,均以这样公开的方式请我与他联系,内容都是关于调控护照。

  在电话中,曹书记说了三点:
  一、“调控护照”是上面的政策
  他多次重复,因为“你是老师,你懂,我才给你说,老百姓不懂,我不会说。这是政策,这个事情不管就会乱。”
  在通话中,他有一个习惯语“你明白不?”、“你懂不懂?”我回答,“我懂,我听懂汉语。”
  至于“老百姓不懂”,我就不懂了……
  
  关于“就会乱”,我的理解是:不控制护照,更多穆斯林就去朝觐,朝觐多了就会乱。

  显然,对穆斯林朝觐的设防根源较深,并试图用“调控护照”来实现这个目标。
  延伸:对所有申办护照的穆斯林公民都加以限制,而且采用超越法律的“怀疑法”,途径是办证人员的“眼功”和“心功”,他们的这种特异功能可以看出申办护照的回民都是潜在的“准朝觐者”,像我,根本没有朝觐的计划,但还是受到他们的“高遇”;谁让我也是回民呀?

  二、“你的意见没有错,是对的……”
  这个就是这样的回答。问题是,“调控护照”不对,“调控措施”违法。
  在给甘肃省委书记王三运的信及甘肃纠风网的意见中,我都谈及办证机关对我们回民的工作态度,也谈及索贿现象。对此,曹书记没有任何回答。

  三、“你的个人诉求……”
  曹书记也谈到我的“个人诉求”:“你的证不能在广河办,也不能在临夏办,只能到省厅办。”
  他还给我说了甘肃省出入境管理局王局长的电话号码。
  
  我在电话里给王书记解释:可能有些误解,我不是为自己申办护照才质疑和批评“调控护照”及“调控措施”的。因为,我儿子在马来西亚留学,属于“调控措施”限定的“直系亲属”,我可以从县公安局申办护照,只要提供“调控措施”附件的近乎恶意的那些条件,其一就是“邀请函”。
  焦点在于:我不需要邀请函,我要像汉族一样地申办中国的护照,因我至少还是中国公民,虽然倒霉地在身份证上打着“回族”的烙印……

按照曹书记提供的号码,我先给王局长发了短信,他回信让我去找张科长。
  在出入境管理局三楼302,我见到张科长,是“审批科科长”,也是签发护照的最后一道关口。
  她看完我的材料,说,按照她的权限,她不能审批这个材料;期间,她还到四楼请示了王局长,结果都一样,并质疑我的“访友”事由。
  
  我的态度:
  一、我的申请中只缺一样东西,那就是“邀请函”,我偏偏不能成全;如果就此让步,我就不会来这里;
  二、护照对我个人只是一件象征性的东西。我只是像汉族一样地申办护照;
  三、我再一次“懂了”:我们回族不可以出国访友,就因为“调控措施”遗漏了“访友”的相关限定;
  四、其实,早在“调控措施”出笼前,在2001年,我用3500元票子卖了一本护照,从省厅,通过护照贩子。

  在整个过程中,张科长表情严肃,听到我的高价护照时脸色稍稍变了一下。

  这个经历很有趣:的确,回民申办护照非常难!不管是曹书记、还是王局长、张科长,对我们回民的“原则”都铁板一块,没有任何“网开一面”的意思,生怕多“放走”一个回民就会天塌地陷。

  当然,这一次,打死我我也不会购买中国的护照了;现在我把绳子都看成毒蛇了……

  从头再来——
  维权,正在进行时……
  尽快起诉“调控护照”……
  向全国人大提请对“调控措施”的立法审查……
  废除调控护照,实现民族平等……

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这是我给贵网的第四封信,也是最后一封信,主题是“调控护照”造成的护照难及其腐败。
  
  这一次,按照甘肃省公安厅纪委曹书记的理解,我不是为我的“个人诉求”,即通过网络或上书领导的方式能像汉族人民一样,依照《宪法》“各民族一律平等”的原则,为自己申办护照。虽然,我的儿子在国外学习,校方要求学生家长参加毕业典礼,但我不愿屈从“护照调控措施”对回族等人民的歧视性限制。所以,我无法参加孩子的毕业典礼。我这“回族人民”不幸福没什么。

一开始,我的护照申请与朝觐没有任何关联,不属于“调控护照”的范围。相关部门不能判断我出国的目的,应是他们的业务能力所致。我的护照申请被广河县公安局拒绝,在远远超出法律规定的时限后,更没有给予法定的书面说明。另外,为了真正遏制零散朝觐,相关部门可以采取别的措施,比如,让回族人民交付押金、可以抵押房产、可以抵押土地……以此类推,进而做到万无一失。
  
  可以说,我给贵网的第二封信起了作用:曹书记与我通话,并让我去省出入境管理局申办护照(因审批科“没有权限”审批而再遭拒绝);曹书记的工作人员承诺在网上回复相关疑问(似无)。然而,我给贵网的第三份信(见本文下方)没有回应。没什么,我们回族人民的声音一直很小,况且本人乃一介穷教员,人微言轻。
  
  在此境况下,我开始收集材料——相关单位办理护照的索贿及当事人“被行贿”的材料。这些材料确实有趣得很……
  
  限制和刁难我们回族护照的理由是“为了遏制零散朝觐”。实际上,在金钱和利益面前,任何人可以办到护照。一度时期,甘肃的护照仅限于旅行社代办。这应是相关部门默许的。而费尽周折办到护照的回族人民,不但给旅行社缴费和纳税,即旅行社虚开发票并“代征”税款(我将另案举报此事),而且非要到周边国家“被旅行”一次,然后,由“保管”护照的旅行社最后发放护照。这无疑是对回族人民的折腾和玩耍。因此,我把这类护照称为“折腾护照”,历史将书写这一损伤公民权益和民族利益的败笔!
  
  在某县公安局,股长启发某某:“你们挣钱,我们下苦……”随之,“买卖”就有了……
  是啊,我们穆斯林人民的朝觐早是路人皆知的一块肥肉,从名额到护照,层层盘剥、个个分红:
  1、高价买卖朝觐名额;2、临夏及相关地区一定级别的领导(包括非穆斯林)被分配两个朝觐名额(当然可以“转让”啊);3、透露一点“风声”:旅行社代办的护照每本“小费”一千元起价(二百元的护照,有时可以卖到万元及以上。2001年,我的护照就是通过兰州的护照贩子直接卖到的。)
  
  请看当时的办证“流程”——
  1、某退休科长的女儿从护照贩子那里“收揽”护照申请,然后交给其父;2、其父拿去办理(他不傻,会拿自己的红利);3、出证。其实护照不难,只要付代价。
  
  这段日子,我的心情蛮好:中央的声音就是最好的营养!其中就有“网上舆论或骂声都听”。
  
  关于护照难及其腐败,我不会像朝觐名额和护照办理那样神秘兮兮地暗箱操作,我的动态如下:
  1、向贵网写第四封信;2、等候回音;3、去北京探访儿子的母校;4、……公开材料;5、上法庭(我很矛盾很痛苦,为护照打官司觉得很丢人,这也很扫祖国的脸,更怕后人耻笑啊)。
  
  谢谢并祝好!
  
  公民:马志方
  (网民:渗渗泉)

我的博客:

http://greenflag.blog.sohu.com

甘肃纠风网:

http://gsjfw.gansu.gov.cn/

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http://islamicommentary.org/2013/03/chinas-rise-is-a-middle-way-possible-for-the-unheard-uyghurs/
by JULIE POUCHER HARBIN, EDITOR, ISLAMiCommentary, with MUSA ALIMGLU, on MARCH 14, 2013

This week I asked a China and Xinjiang expert — someone who is familiar with China’s ethnic politics and the work of prominent Uyghur human rights activist Rebiya Kadeer — to provide some in-depth background on China’s troubled Xinjiang Uygher Autonomous Republic and leadership challenges for the Uyghur diaspora.

This Hui Chinese scholar, who goes by the name of Musa Alimglu (not his real name), has recently conducted several field investigations in Xinjiang into “Uyghur miseries” (from an economic and human rights standpoint) and has attempted in his research and in this interview to identify the major causes behind the underlying tension there between the Han and the Uyghur.

As a Hui he said he feels “great sympathy towards the Uyghurs, not only because they are also Muslims but because they have been treated inhumanely by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), especially since the 1990s.”

Q: How would you characterize the historical relationship between the Muslim Uyghurs, Hui people and the majority Han in China?

A: The Hui and Uyghur have historical, ethnic, and religious ties. Before 1950s, the Chinese term “Hui” referred to both Uyghur and Hui. Many Hui in northwestern China today still use many Uyghur words and Hui religious orders have a close relationship with Kashgar and Yarkand, the two major Uyghur cities in Kashgaria. The major Hui ancestors came from Turkic Central Asia, which borders the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

So it is no surprise that there are some Hui volunteer organizations in northwestern China that have special programs to help the Uyghurs, especially in eastern Xinjiang since it’s close to Hui-populated areas in northwestern China.

The relationship between China’s Muslims and the Han (about 90% of China’s population) was in conflict — for at least 300 years from the 17th century to 20th century — as seen by various Muslim uprisings against Manchu-Han expansions, repressions, and massacres. After the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) conquered Kashgaria (in southern Xinjiang) in the 1750s , many Han officials, especially those who served in or came from Shandong, the home of Confucius and Confucianism, actively attacked the so-called alien religion of the Muslims (“Huijiao”, Islam).

During the “Five-Peoples” Republican period (1911-1949), Muslims had better political status. At that time Mongol, Manchu, Muslim, Han, and Tibetans were the five major peoples of the Republic of China. Many national Muslim organizations participated not only in domestic politics but also in international diplomacy, and were active in trying to garner support from Islamic countries for China’s anti-Japanese wars.

In China’s communist period (1949 to present), Muslims have had a complicated relationship with China. On the one hand, China created 10 so-called Muslim Minzu (nationalities) as part of a divide-and-rule political strategy, but on the other hand, Muslims and Islam itself were targeted as enemies of socialism and communism, especially during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). It was only after the 1980s that Muslims were allowed to practice Islam in a relatively liberal environment.

Now, Muslims in China are facing a different situation, in the context of China’s rise, and Han nationalism (especially cultural nationalism) has begun to re-appear.

At the same time, China’s “anti-terror” activities in the broader Central Asian region — including China-Pakistan and China-SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization or Shanghai 5) joint anti-terrorism military exercises that target groups like the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) — have made Islam and Islam-related affairs sensitive in China and especially so in Xinjiang.

Also, both Western and Chinese media have mistakenly identified Muslims of China as Muslims of the Middle East and of Central Asia, which is problematic.

The Muslim-Han relationship in China proper seems to be relatively peaceful. However, some basic rights that Chinese Muslims should have as Chinese citizens have been violated in other areas. The Hui in the Hui-populated northwestern provinces have little access to obtaining a Chinese passport and thus can’t go on hajj. Han cultural attacks on the Hui in various forms have been constant.

In Xinjiang, the Uyghur Muslims’ situation has now begun to become known to the world. Their political, economic, and cultural rights are basically being denied, which I can elaborate on.

Q: Why is there such tensions between the Han Chinese who make up an estimated 41% of the population of Xinjiang and the Uyghur population (43%) of Xinjiang? One only has to look at recent Radio Free Asia and other reports, to see the problems between the two are escalating…

A: There are many reasons of course, let me mention several major ones:

Ideologically, China’s Xinjiang policy (maybe Xinjiang’s Xinjiang policy) is the product of the WWI, WWII, the Cold War, and the anti-terror war. Xinjiang officials and official scholars today have highlighted the historical pan-Turkism and pan-Islamism in Xinjiang since the early 20th century. The temporary presence of the East Turkistan Republics (1930s and 1940s) is seen as the height of the Uyghur separatism. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of Central Asian Turkic countries in the 1990s made the Chinese communist party worry about the possibility of the Uyghurs breaking away to form a “Uyghurstan.”

China’s “Anti-Three (Evil) Forces” campaign (extremism, separatism, terrorism), begun roughly in the 1990s, has since extended to preventing the Uyghurs from gaining their independence. China — which looks at the U.S. waging a war in Afghanistan (also against terrorism and extremism) not so far away — has used the perceived threat of terrorism to justify their actions in Xinjiang.

Economically, the Uyghurs have little, if no access to the Chinese state economy, which includes state corporations and the quasi-military Xinjiang Development and Construction Corps (Its members are farmers during peacetime and soldiers during wartime). Unlike the Han-populated coastal regions of the southeast, the Uyghur economy in Xinjiang is almost dissociated from the Chinese economy.

Adding to this, there was a large Han immigration to Xinjiang, after the “liberation” of Xinjiang – following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Large military and militia personnel, their relatives, intellectuals, and youth were sent by the government to Xinjiang during various periods. More recently, Han farmers and businessmen came to Xinjiang. Since they typically have friendly relations with Xinjiang officials and military (either they are friends or relatives), Han farmers and businessmen coming to Xinjiang have been able to quickly dominate Xinjiang’s economic sectors — from mining to farming.

Culturally, in this Han dominated economy and polity, it’s hard for the Uyghurs to compete or even to get a job since most Uyghurs in southern Xinjiang speak little of the Han language (Chinese Mandarin) and thus have no hope of getting a position in the government or state economic units. Plus because of their religious and racial differences, the Uyghurs have been both openly and covertly constrained and discriminated against.

International and domestic political, ideological, economic, and cultural factors have resulted in tremendous misery for the Uyghurs, especially since the 1990s.

Public Uyghur social gatherings and public observance of cultural traditions and religious practices have been prohibited, while Han language, education and patriotism have been highlighted.

Uyghur representatives have been detained, arrested, sentenced, and even executed for alleged “separatist” or “terrorist” activities. Nobody knows the exact number of Uyghur political prisoners in Xinjiang today. Even Uyghurs who adopted foreign citizenship have been arrested in Central Asian countries and deported back to China.

So it comes as no surprise that in late 1990s there were several open Uyghur protests that were followed by bloody suppression by China. The most famous open conflict between the Uyghurs and the Chinese government occurred on July 5, 2009 in which hundreds of Uyghurs were killed, arrested, and jailed.

In contrast to the Uyghurs, the Hui in Xinjiang have been relatively successful economically. In Urumuqi proper and especially in Changji Hui Autonomous Region, Hui farmers and businessmen are visible in the local private economy. This is largely due to the fact that the Hui have wider networks with Hui from other provinces and because the Hui speak the Han language (Mandarin).

Herein I think lies the dilemma for the Uyghurs. On the one hand, in order to compete in Han-dominated society, learning the Han language and knowing Han society is a necessity. On the other hand, in a repressive political context, learning the Han language and culture seems to follow the Han’s chauvinist policies of assimilation. For the Hui, the Han language is simply a tool, but for the Uyghur, learning the Han language has more to do with their relationship with a repressive state (China) and its policies. Also for the Hui, Islam defines their identity, while for the Uyghur, the Turkic-Uyghur language and culture are important identifiers.

Q: Can you speak more about the PRC’s discriminatory economic policies? I understand that there are generous government subsides for the Han, including grants for seeds and fertilizers to Han farmers, free farm equipment and other opportunities to defray the costs of farming that Uyghurs are denied access to?

A: The eastern and southern provinces of China have prospered since the 1970s open door policy. But government policies towards Uyghurs have been harsh, especially in the 1990s. The Chinese don’t care much about economic development in Xinjiang, only stability, and stability above all.

HanGrowingVegetables
A Han farmer from Henan, China rents more than 1000 Mu in Xinjiang to grow vegetables.

The Han Chinese came to Xinjiang for the oil, cotton and mining industries. They were able to hire cheap Han laborers (often their relatives, friends, and hometown fellows) from the central provinces, and make money in Xinjiang. But the Han Chinese do have subsidies and better access to technology, and they were lured by the Chinese government to Xinjiang with the promise of land owned by Chinese government. Some Uyghurs have also sold their land to incoming Han Chinese peasants. I was shocked to see that even in southern Xinjiang the Han grow good watermelons and sell at a good price.

The Han of course are unwilling to hire Uyghurs in part due to different language and cultural customs, but state-planned economic policies and political discrimination do play an important role.

UyghurShoeCleanerInsideTop
A Uyghur shoe-cleaner works on the street in Xinjiang. Economic opportunities for the Uyghurs are limited by language, and discriminatory Chinese government policies.

Uyghurs are traditional farmers and they cannot compete with state-backed Han farmers. The Uyghur economy is stagnant and miserable, especially in the rural Kashgar area of Xinjiang in the south. Uyghurs are traditional farmers and they cannot compete with state-backed Han farmers. As a result, many Uyghurs have to leave their hometown to make a living. It is really ironic to see that while the Han come to Xinjiang to get rich, the Uyghurs are going bankrupt and have to go to China proper to make money.

Q: What do you see as the end-goal of these Western-based Uyghur organizations and particularly Rebiya Kadeer’s group, one of the most high-profile —The World Uyghur Congress?
rabiye-qadir_0-300x225-150x150
Rebiya Kadeer, Head of the World Uyghur Congress

A: This is really difficult to answer. I can understand why all Uyghur organizations like to use “East Turkistan” referring to their homeland. At the same time, the use of this term (already propagandized by the Chinese government as a sign of separatism) means the death of any possible dialogues with China. It also alienates large Han Chinese populations, including overseas, and Chinese human rights groups. It is actually very interesting that even some Chinese human rights groups share some similar views with the Chinese government towards the Uyghurs, viewing the Uyghurs as terrorists and extremists simply because they are Muslims.

Uyghur diaspora organizations seem to have no clear political agenda — whether to establish an independent country, or just to try and expose human rights issues in Xinjiang or East Turkistan. The Dalai Lama’s “middle way” and Hong Kong’s special political status may be a good example to follow.

Given the particularities of Xinjiang, I think it is hard to formulate a clear solution as regards to the future political status of Xinjiang. The only exception here is probably the Government-in-Exile of East Turkistan Republic, led by Anwar Yusuf Turani, which openly indicates an independence agenda.

Q: Tibet’s agenda is pretty straightforward, and yet there is still no solution to its status. How does the Uyghurs’ situation and the Tibetan situation compare?

A: The Uyghurs’ situation is much worse than that of Tibetans. Tibetans have received generous economic aid from China. Even the monks living in monasteries have been provided health insurance, salaries, etc. This is probably because the Dalai Lama has put pressure on the PRC to improve Tibetans’ well-being.

Q: What can the Uyghurs learn from the Tibetans?

A: If the PRC will not accept even the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” (“The Tibetan people do not accept the present status of Tibet under the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, they do not seek independence for Tibet, which is a historical fact.”), I think it is hard for Uyghur organizations even to have a working relationship with China. The Dalai Lama at least has private communication channels with the Chinese government. And the Tibetans have an undisputable supreme leader and single unified government — the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in India.

I think that the Uyghurs have a lot to learn from the Tibetans including organization building and reaching out to Han Chinese. They need to consolidate all overseas Uyghur organizations, including the Government-in-Exile of East Turkistan Republic.

They also need to provide enough materials (in Chinese) on the Uyghurs’ misery to domestic (in China) and overseas Han to gain sympathy and support from the Han intellectuals and populace. They probably also need to think about seeking out private representatives to engage in negotiations with the Chinese government, just as the Dalai Lama does.

We cannot forget that there are some Uyghur representatives in China as well. This includes various official representatives such as the chairman of the Xinjiang Autonomous Region (all chairs of Autonomous Regions by laws are staffed by local ethnic members), popular and religious leaders among Muslim Uyghurs, and critical intellectual leaders such as Ilham Tohti.

Ilham Tohti derserve a special attention. Tohti is a Uyghur professor at China’s Minzu University in Beijing and he openly criticizes China’s Xinjiang policies within China’s political and legal frameworks. Of course, as Tohti’s recent detention on his way to the U.S. indicates, Uyghur leaders critical of China’s Xinjiang policy have often been silenced, arrested, and even jailed for life.

As long as China continually supresses Uyghurs living in China and Uyghur leaders (both in Xinjiang and in exile, who are critical of the regime), then I think there is a great potential for Ms. Kadeer to form a stronger, more unified Uyghur representative body.

Q: What can you, as a scholar, do to help the Uyghurs?

A: First, as a student of anthropology and ethnology, I think scholars should use their scholarship and research to speak up for weaker minority groups and, in this, case, the repressed Uyghurs. Actually many Han intellectuals and professors have realized the unfair treatment of the Uyghurs by the Xinjiang government. Some of my professional colleagues try to raise our voices and be heard amongst China’s dominant anti-terror political scholars who benefit from various anti-terror projects and thus attempt to justify China’s repressive practices in Xinjiang.

Secondarily, I personally conducted several field investigations in Xinjiang about Uyghur miseries and have attempted to identify the major causes in hopes of revealing the darkness in China’s Xinjiang policies and raise awareness of the Uyghur issue among the Han and other peoples.

In other words, I hope to, as a Hui and as a scholar, to personally build a bridge between concerned Han people and the Uyghur people, to open up discourse on the Uyghur issue. I think one of the problems of Uyghur organizations in exile is that they have not actively reached out to the Han people, and thus limit their activities to human rights movements backed by western democracies. It’s important to talk to the Han. I suspect that the Chinese government will eventually change their domestic policies under pressure from Western countries especially in the context of China’s rise.

I am trying to build a platform for a constructive dialogue between the Uyghurs and the Han to improve the Uyghur situation in Xinjiang, which is very difficult for any one individual, but I am hoping that people of different ethnicities, religions, and countries will join together to reduce the Uyghur misery. After all, we are humans and we should not tolerate inhuman treatment of our species in the 21th century, whether in Xinjiang or anywhere else.

<a href="http://xinjiangreview.files.wordpress.com/2013/03

images

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Ilham Tohti, a Uyghur professor at China’s Minzu University in Beijing, was reportedly detained on February 2, 2013, at Beijing International Airport when he was planning to depart for Indiana University in the U.S.

News of Tohti’s detainment and prevention from leaving China quickly surfaced in major media outlets and generated much discussion and speculation on Tohti as why he has been detained and blocked once again.

http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/Xinwen/xin1-02022013092010.html

Tohti’s detainment seems to be ironic because as a Uyghur intellectual and the founder of the Uyghurbiz, Tohti’s Uyghurbiz is probably the only Uyghur voice to express concerns under the framework of Chinese legal system and via the Chinese language. Many of his articles on Xinjiang and the Uyghurs simply appeal to the Chinese government to fully implement China’s constitution and autonomous laws in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (www.uyghurbiz.com). The only reason for his arrest, as Tohti correctly pointed out, was due to his Xinjiang Uyghur ethnicity.

A careful scrutiny of Mr. Tohti’s detainment may indicate a subtle yet discernible secret behind his detainment and blockade. According to Radio France, Tohti was reportedly first detained in the Beijing International Airport not by Beijing’s security personnel but by Xinjiang security personnel. Here, it is clear that Xinjiang security personnel’s action was not coordinated by Beijing counterparts. Tohti “was currently controlled by Xinjiang security officers and they are waiting for their Beijing counterparts to come” (“我现在被新疆的国保看着,他们在等北京的国保”). In other words, Tohti’s detainment was carried out by Xinjiang authorities, not by Beijing.

http://www.chinese.rfi.fr/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD/20130202-%E4%BC%8A%E5%88%A9%E5%93%88%E5%A7%86%E5%8C%97%E4%BA%AC%E6%9C%BA%E5%9C%BA%E5%8F%97%E9%98%BB%E5%91%BC%E5%90%81%E4%B8%8D%E8%A6%81%E6%8A%8A%E7%99%BE%E5%A7%93%E5%85%B3%E8%BF%9B%E7%AC%BC%E5%AD%90%E9%87%8C

Those who are familiar with China’s politics and administration may quickly raise the question of why, Tohti, as a Beijing resident with Beijing resident card (hukou), was first detained by Xinjiang security officers, instead of Beijing authorities. To better understand the behaviors of Xinjiang security officers towards Uyghurs outside Xinjiang, one has to review the strategies of local Xinjiang rulers, often called as “kings of Xinjiang” (新疆王) by locals from the warlord period to the present. Since the fall of the Qing rule in Xinjiang, every governor of Xinjiang successfully converted the region into their own domain, ruled by each governor’s ideology and policy (not by the central government’s laws). To realize the dictatorship in Xinjiang, the Republic-era governors had manipulated foreign or domestic security threats to China’s sovereignty. Sheng Shicai’s rule of Xinjiang best exemplifies this logic and strategy.

1-yang cengxin2-jin shuren3-Sheng shicai4-Wang Lequan5-zhang chunxian

Although China’s external security threats have reached a minimal level especially after the establishment of “Shanghai 5,” the ruling logic and strategy of Xinjiang under Wang Lequan have strikingly resembled that of Republican warlords in Xinjiang. If one recalls the brutal policy of Jin Shuren that prohibited Uyghur from going to Hajj, then one can easily find an updated, contemporary version of controlling the physical movements of Uyghurs by denying them access to passports. As Tohti’s case demonstrates, even if a Uyghur outside Xinjiang can hold a Chinese passport and pass the security check at an airport, Xinjiang security officers can still practice “extra-territoriality” to block them from leaving the country. More interesting enough, Wang’s Xinjiang policy advisors mainly came from the study of frontier history of Xinjiang, especially during the Republican period. There is no surprise then that during Wang Lequan’s dictatorship in Xinjiang, he successfully put Xinjiang on the track of Chechnyanization through his own official separatist, radical, and extremist policies against the Uyghurs.

Zhang’s replacement of Wang in the last couple years seemingly ushered in a new reform and open policy, which he repeated on many occasions. However, his new policy attempts encountered tremendous resistance from local security enforcement. After all, Xinjiang’s security officers and personnel under Wang Lequan’s rule had been indoctrinated with anti-separatism, anti-extremism, and anti-extremism. More importantly, Wang’s long harsh rule of Xinjiang enabled him to appoint and promote many security officers. A possibly open-minded new policy towards Xinjiang under the Zhang Chunxian would greatly affect the budget for security personnel and, of course, their personal interests.

8-wan yanhai8-aizhixing

To maintain their privileged budget and other benefits, Xinjiang security personnel need to highlight their continued importance by arresting Uyghurs, even outside Xinjiang. It is not coincidental then that Xinjiang security officers went to Guangzhou to interrogate employees of Aizhixing (爱知行) on their involvement in assisting Uyghur AIDS-carriers. These two almost simultaneous actions of Xinjiang security officers in Guangzhou and Beijing represent a new effort to put Xinjiang policy back on old tracks, probably in order to influence Zhang Chunxian’s ongoing new Xinjiang policy this critical year. In the best case scenario, the Tohti case testifies the complexity of local power struggle after the dismissal of Wang Lequan in Xinjiang between his existing security confidantes and the new party secretary. In the worst case, it simply announces the death of Zhang’s new policy and return to old repressive policy towards the Uyghurs.

Uyghur-writer-pigeon1-200uyghur-yasin-writer-305A Pictorial Description of Wild Pigeons’ Bird Cage in Xinjiang

A Chinese legal activist, Teng Biao, announced on the twitter on December 31 that a Uyghur political prisoner, Nurmuhemmet Yasin, died mysteriously in China’s prison in last year. https://twitter.com/tengbiao

However, this news seems to be unverified and untrue. According to Radio Free Asia’s report, Nurmuhemmet Yasin’s relative visited him in July last year, indicating that Nurmuhemmet Yasin is still alive in China’s prison.

http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/writer-01022013195012.html?searchterm=wild%20pigeon

These tweets and news on Nurmuhemmet Yasin help promote the circulation of his literary work. Radio Free Asia (RFA) and Uyghur Pen Society, thank to Dr. Dolkun Kamberi’s introduction and translation, have presented some of Nurmuhemmet Yasin’s writings.

This “article” is not intended to comment on Nurmuhemmet Yasin’s literary works. Rather, by providing some recent photos taken in Xinjiang/East Turkistan, especially in Nurmuhemmet Yasin’s hometown of Maralbeshi County (巴楚), this article serves as a pictorial description of “bird cage”, a metaphor that Nurmuhemmet Yasin might refer to Uyghurs’ survival conditions in China’s Xinjiang Autonomous Region. It also calls for the greater attention to China’s oppression of and restrictions on the Uyghurs in their homeland in general and to numerous Uyghur political prisoners and wide-spread prison in Xinjiang in particular.

Wild Pigeon (English Translation)
Part 1:

http://www.rfa.org/english/uyghur/wild_pigeon-20050627.html?searchterm=wild%20pigeon

Dream or reality?
Here I am, seemingly in flight in the deep blue sky. I cannot tell if I am dreaming or awake. A bracing wind cuts into my wing—my spirit is soaring and my body is powerful and strong. The glow of morning seems endless, and sun streams brightly, beautifully on the world. Such beautiful landscapes! I climb ever higher as my spirits soar.
The strawberry fields disappear from view, and the world is suddenly broader, like a deep blue carpet spread out beneath me. This is a wonderland I have never seen before. I love this place as I love my hometown—with all my heart—all of it so beautiful beneath my wings.
Now houses and neighborhoods appear below, along with living, moving creatures—they must be the humans whom my mother warned me to avoid. Maybe my mother has grown old. They don’t look dangerous to me—how could such creatures, who crawl so slowly on the Earth, be more powerful than birds who soar through the skies?
“Mankind’s tricks are legion; their schemes are hidden in their bellies; be sure that you do not make carelessness your jailer.”
Perhaps I am wrong, but they don’t look so terrible. My mother has always told me they are treacherous, scheming creatures who would as soon trap and cage us as they would look at us. How can that be? Perhaps I am not bright enough to understand this. Suddenly I am overcome with the desire to see and know these humans, and I fly lower, hovering above them and seeing everything more clearly. And always my mother says to me: “Mankind’s tricks are legion; their schemes are hidden in their bellies; be sure that you do not make carelessness your jailer.”
Suddenly I know that I want to see these schemes of mankind. Why would they hide them in their bellies? This is impossible for me to understand.
The descent
I descend gradually, hovering in the air above the dwelling-places. The things below are now very clear to me. I can see people, their cows, their sheep and chickens, and many other things I’ve never seen before. A group of pigeons is flying around, with some of them perched on a branch.
I drop down to join in their conversation—or is to have a rest? I can’t remember clearly now. My feelings at the time were quite confused. But I want very much to know more about their lives.
“Where are you from?” one pigeon asks me. He is older than the rest, but I cannot tell for sure if he is the leader of this group. Anyway, I am not one of them, so his position is not that important to me. And so I answer simply: “I am from the strawberry shoal.”
I drop down to join in their conversation—or is to have a rest? I can’t remember clearly now. My feelings at the time were quite confused. But I want very much to know more about their lives.
“I heard about that place from my grandpa—our ancestors also come from there,” he replies. “But I thought it was quite far away—and that it would take months to fly here from there. We cannot fly so far. Perhaps you are lost?”
Was he so old he couldn’t fly that small distance in a few days, as I had done? Perhaps he was far older even than he looked—or perhaps he was thinking of a different, more distant strawberry shoal. If his grandfather came from the same strawberry shoal, we might even be relatives, I think. But to the old pigeon I reply: “I am not lost—I was practicing flying and came here intentionally. I’ve been flying for just a few days, but I haven’t eaten anything since I left home.”
What is a soul?
The old pigeon looks surprised. “You must be a wild pigeon,” he says. “Everyone says we are not as brave as you, that we think no further than the branches on which we rest and the cages in which we sleep. I have always lived here and have ventured no farther out—and why should I? Here I have a branch for resting and a cage for living, and everything is ready-made for me. Why would we leave here—to suffer? Besides, I am married. I have a family. Where would I go? My hosts treat me well,” he concludes, pecking a bit at his own feathers.
“I have heard some say that mankind is terrible,” I reply. “They say that if humans catch us, they will enslave our souls. Is this true?”
“Soul? What’s a soul, grandfather?” a young pigeon sitting beside me asks. I am stunned that he doesn’t know this word, doesn’t know what a soul is. What are these pigeons teaching their children? To live without a soul, without understanding what a soul is, is pointless. Do they not see this? To have a soul, to have freedom—these things cannot be bought or given as gifts; they are not to be had just through praying, either.
“Soul? What’s a soul, grandfather?” a young pigeon sitting beside me asks. I am stunned that he doesn’t know this word.
Freedom of the soul, I feel, was crucial for these pitiful pigeons. Without it, life is meaningless, and yet they seem never even to have heard of the word.
The old pigeon touches the head of his grandchild, saying: “I don’t know either what a soul is. I once heard the word from my own grandfather, who heard the world from his great-grandfather. And he perhaps heard of it from his great-great-grandfather. My own grandfather sometimes said: ‘We pigeons lost our souls a long time ago,’ and perhaps this is the soul that this wild pigeon mentions now—and today we possess not even a shadow of such a thing.”
The old pigeon turns to face me and asks, “Tell me, child, do you know what a soul is?”
The pigeons’ debate
I freeze, realizing that I cannot begin to answer the very question my words have prompted. Finally I reply, “I cannot. But my mother tells me I possess my father’s daring and adventurous spirit…Once it matures, I will certainly know and understand what a soul is.”
The old pigeon replies, “That must be your father’s spirit in you now. It’s not only our fathers’ generations we have lost, but the soul of the entire pigeon community has already disappeared. My mother and her family never mentioned the soul to us, either, nor have I used the word with my own children. So perhaps we have already entered an era without souls. How lovely it would be, to return to that earlier time.” The old pigeon smiles, and falls into a pleasant reverie.
“Without your souls,” I tell him, “generations of pigeons will be enslaved by human beings—who can make a meal of you at any time. Even if they set you free, you will not leave your family and your rations of food behind. You do not want to throw away your resting place, and a small amount of pigeon food. Yet you let your descendants became the slaves of mankind. You will need a leader, but first you must free your soul—and understand what a soul is. Why don’t you come with me and we can try to ask my mother?”
“I already have one foot in the grave,” he tells me, “and my pigeon cage is safe.
I cannot tell now whether it’s the old pigeon or myself I want to educate about the soul. Perhaps it is both.
“I already have one foot in the grave,” he tells me, “and my pigeon cage is safe. Where shall I look to understand the soul? I wouldn’t recognize a soul if I saw one, and I wouldn’t know where to look for it. And how will it help me if I find mine? Here our lives are peaceful. Nothing happens, and our lives are tranquil. How can I ask others to give up such a life to find something whose value we cannot see?”
I contemplate the old pigeon’s words—which sound wise at first but, on reflection, are entirely wrong. Suddenly I feel ashamed, embarrassed, to find myself holding such a philosophical discussion with these pigeons, these soulless birds. I decide to go and find my mother.
Strange words replace mother’s milk
At this point, a group of pigeons descends to the branch beside us. I hear them speaking among themselves, but I cannot understand their words. Perhaps they are using their own mother tongue. We also have some such foreigners occasionally flying to our place. Are they foreign vistors? Friends or relatives of the old pigeon? I cannot tell. Nor can I tell whether they wish to include me in their discussion.
“How are you, my child,” the old pigeon asks, pecking at the feathers of a smaller pigeon.
“Not good. I’m hungry,” the smaller pigeon replies. “Why doesn’t my mother feed me any more?” The small pigeon talks on about pigeon food—I think I hear the word corn or millet, or hemp. They use many different names for pigeon food that I don’t know. These tamed pigeons are very strange—so many of their words I don’t recognize.
These tamed pigeons are very strange—so many of their words I don’t recognize.
“Your mother is trying to save all the nourishment for the siblings you will have soon,” the old pigeon replies. “You have to wait for the humans to come and feed us.”
“I cannot wait—I should fly out to the desert and look for myself,” the young bird replies.
“Please listen to me, my good little boy. It is too dangerous—if you go there, someone will catch you and eat you. Please don’t go.” The small pigeon tries to calm its expression. These pigeons all seem to listen to this elder of the group.
Acceptance of a caged life
These pigeons are living among humans who would catch them and eat them, but how they can do this I don’t understand. Have I misunderstood the word “eat”? Maybe it means the same thing as “care for” in their dialect. If this is a borrowed word, maybe I misinterpreted it. And yet this is an important word—every pigeon must know it. My mother tells me to be careful—”don’t let the humans catch you and eat you.” If these pigeons fear being caught and eaten, how can they possibly have lived among humans? Perhaps they have even forgotten that they have wings, and perhaps they wouldn’t want to leave the pigeon cage to which they have grown so accustomed.
“So, how is our host?” the small pigeon begins to ask the old pigeon.
“Very well,” his elder replies.
“But perhaps our host is like other humans, and would catch and eat us if given the chance.”
“That is different,” the elder replied. “The humans keep us in the pigeon cage to feed us, and it is right that they would eat us if necessary; it is a necessity for mankind to be able to catch us and eat us. That is the way it should be. No pigeon among us is permitted to object to this arrangement.”
Who is the enemy?
Now I understand that “eat” has the same meaning here as it does at home. A moment ago I was trying to guess what exactly they mean when they say the word “eat.” Now I don’t have to guess any more.
“But our host has spilled all of our food—and the largest pigeon has eaten it all. I cannot begin to fight for the food I need. What can I do? I grow weaker and thinner by the day. I cannot survive this way for long.”
“You too will grow up slowly, and you too will learn how to snatch a little food from around the big pigeon there. But you must on no account give away anything edible to others. That is how to survive here.”
Pigeons should learn to be satisfied with what they have. Don’t try to argue for what is surplus to requirements.
“But, grandpa—” the young pigeon starts.
“That’s enough, my child. Don’t say any more. Pigeons should learn to be satisfied with what they have. Don’t try to argue for what is surplus to requirements.”
A larger space
At this stage I feel compelled to speak, and I interrupt. “You have cut away at his freedom,” I say. “You should give him a larger space. You should let him live at according to his own free will.” I simply cannot remain silent. To live as the old pigeon suggests would destroy all fellowship among our species.
“Ah, you do not understand our situation,” the older pigeon dismisses me. “To anger our host is impossible. If anyone disobeys his rules and ventures out from his territory, all of us will land inside a cage—staring out from behind bars for months. We would lose the very branch on which we are sitting.”
What exactly is this thing, a pigeon cage? I have no hint, no clue. These pigeons say they are so terrified of landing in the cage, but at the same time they are afraid of losing it. Most perplexing of all is how any of these pigeons could bear to live among men. Have I discussed this with my own grandfather? I don’t believe he ever gave me a clear answer.
What exactly is this thing, a pigeon cage? I have no hint, no clue. These pigeons say they are so terrified of landing in the cage, but at the same time they are afraid of losing it.
Instead I tell the older pigeon, “You sound exactly like one them—one of the men. Taking food from weaker and smaller pigeons and forbidding them to resist. Then you try very hard to cover your bad behavior. How can this environment provide for the growth and health of future generations? You are depraved—ignorant and stupid.”
“Don’t insult the humans,” he replies indignantly. “Without them, we wouldn’t be here today. Take your anti-human propaganda somewhere else.”
How could he fail to see that I meant no harm—that I intended only to help? Perhaps I should explain further.
A dream of destiny
“You have no sense of responsibility—you are condemning others to this existence; you are pushing your legacy to the edge of the bonfire,” I continue. I want to go on, to press the same message even more vividly. But suddenly I hear a piercing sound and feel a vicious pain in my legs. I try to fly, but my wings hang empty at my sides. All the other pigeons fly up and hover above me.
“Look at you, stirring up trouble—now you will taste life inside a pigeon cage,” one of them shouts. “Then let’s see if you carry on this way again!”
Suddenly I understand. The old pigeon drew me in toward him to set me up so his host could catch me. Pain fills my heart. The humans weren’t any danger to me—it was my own kind who betrayed me in hope of their own gain. I cannot understand it, and I am grieved. Suddenly I am seized with the idea that I cannot give in—as long as I can still break off my legs, I can free myself. Using all of my strength, I fly one way and another in turn.
Pain fills my heart. The humans weren’t any danger to me—it was my own kind who betrayed me in hope of their own gain.
“Don’t be silly, child, stand up! What is the matter with you?” The voice is my mother’s. She stares at me and I realize that I am unhurt.
My mother says:” “You had a nightmare.” “I had a very terrible dream.” I embrace my mother closely, and tell her everything in my dream.
“Child, in your dream you saw our destiny,” she replies. “Mankind is pressing in on us, little by little, taking up what once was entirely our space. They want to chase us from the land we have occupied for thousands of years and to steal our land from us. They want to change the character of our heritage—to rob us of our intelligence and our kinship with one another. Strip us of our memory and identity. Perhaps in the near future, they will build factories and high-rises here, and the smoke that comes from making products we don’t need will seep into the environment and poison our land and our water. Any rivers that remain won’t flow pure and sweet as they do now but will run black with filth from the factories.”
Setting out from the strawberry shoal
“This invasion by mankind is terrible,” she says. “Future generations will never see pure water and clean air—and they will think that this is as it has always been. They will fall into mankind’s trap. These humans are coming closer and closer to us now, and soon it will be too late to turn back. No one else can save us from this fate—we must save ourselves. Let’s go outside. It’s time for me to tell you about your father.”
She leads me outside. Around us the land is covered in wildflowers and a carpet of green—no roads, no footprints, just an endless vast steppe. Our land sits on a cliff that overhangs a riverbank, with thousands of pigeon nests nearby. A pristine river flows beneath, sending a sort of lullaby us to where we stand. To me, this is the most beautiful and safest place on Earth. Without humans encroaching upon us, we might live in this paradise forever.
“This is your land,” my mother says. “This is the land of your ancestors. Your father and grandfather, both leaders of all the pigeons in the territory, each helped to make it even more beautiful. Their work, their legacy, only raised us up even higher among the pigeons. The weight on your shoulders is heavy, and I hope only that you can follow in your father’s brave footsteps. Every morning I have trained you, teaching you to fly hundreds of miles in a day. Your muscles are hard and strong and your wisdom is already great.”
“This is your land,” my mother says. “This is the land of your ancestors. Your father and grandfather, both leaders of all the pigeons in the territory, each helped to make it even more beautiful.
“Your body is mature, and now your mind, your intelligence, must catch up. Always, always be cautious with humans. Don’t think that because they walk on the ground beneath us that you are safe. They have guns. They can shoot you down from thousands of meters away. Do you know how your father died?”
“No,” I tell her. “You started to tell me once but then stopped, saying it wasn’t yet time.”
“Well, now the time has come,” she says. “A few days ago, I saw several humans exploring around here. They followed us carefully with their eyes. We must find a safe place before they come here. It was at their hands that your father died.”
A proud heritage
“Please tell me, Mother. How did he fall into their hands?” My mother contemplates—her face is sad.
“One day, your father led a group of pigeons looking for food for us. Usually, they chose safe areas with plenty of food. Your father always led these missions—he was a strong and responsible leader. So this time he led the others out, but after several days he hadn’t returned. I was terribly worried. Usually, if he found a place with a great deal of food more than a half-day’s flight from here, we would move our nest. He would never go so far or stay so long away from home.”
“In my heart I was certain he had had an accident. At that time, you and your younger brothers and sisters had only recently hatched, so I couldn’t leave you to go and look for him. Eventually, after several months, one of the pigeons who flew out with your father returned. This only made me more certain that that your father had fallen into some kind of trap. Then all the rest of them returned safely—one after another. All except your father.”
All the while I expect my mother to wail or lament, but here a brave glint comes into her eye.
“Your father was a pigeon king with a regal spirit. How could he protect the others if he could not protect himself? How could a pigeon who was trapped by humans come back and fulfill his role as pigeon king? The humans trapped him, kept him, and in keeping with the traditions of the royal household, he bit off his tongue. He couldn’t bear one more second locked in that pigeon cage. The pigeon cage was dyed red with his blood. He refused their food and drink, and he lived exactly one week. He sacrificed himself. His spirit was truly free. I hope only that you will grow up to be like your father, a protector of freedom forever.”
“Mammy, why couldn’t my father find the opportunity to escape like other pigeons?”
Freedom or death
“The humans hoped your father would pair with another pigeon, a tamed pigeon, and produce mixed offspring with her. But he could never have children who were kept as slaves—it would be too shameful for him. Those pigeons in your dream were the descendants of those who accepted slavery and begged for their own lives. Child, their souls are kept prisoner. A thousand deaths would be preferable to a life like that. You are the son of this brave pigeon. Keep his spirit alive in you,” she says.
My mother’s words shock my soul for a long time. I am infinitely delighted at being a son of such a brave pigeon, but I feel a surge of pride and happiness. My heart feels strong and proud. With all the love in my heart, I embrace my mother.
“Now you must go,” she tells me. “I give you up for the sake of our motherland and all the pigeons. Don’t leave these pigeons without a leader. The humans are more and more aggressive, using all manner of tactics to trap us. Go now and find a safe place for us, my child.”
My wings are wet with my mother’s tears. Now the meaning of my dream is clear: that I must go forth on an expedition. But by no means, I think, will I fall into a trap set by humans.
I fly farther and farther away, first along the river and then into the area where the humans make their homes. It is nothing like the dwelling place in my dream, but I am careful—flying higher and higher. My wings have enough power. I hear not human debate, but the music of the wind in my ears.
In search of a new home
These humans are not so strong and frightening, I think. If I fly too high, I fear I will miss my target. If I fly too far, it will affect our migration plan. To tell the truth, I disagree with my mother’s migration plan. Our land is on a very high precipice—how can humans climb here when it is even difficult for pigeons? We were here, one after another, generation after generation, living a happy life. Why should we leave now, to run from humans who are weaker than we imagine? Now I am flying over the human settlements. I feel no danger. Perhaps my mother worries too much.
Now the sky is black. Everything around me is going dark, and now the world disappears in utter darkness. Everything disappears into the night, and I realize that I have been flying for an entire day, and I am exhausted. I must rest. I have already explored to the West, North, and South, and still I have found nowhere we can live. I haven’t yet find a good place to which we can migrate.
Perhaps I have flown too high. Perhaps tomorrow I can fly East, at a lower altitude. The stars flicker in the sky. How can anyone who lives in such a world of beauty be afraid? Slowly I descend, falling into a tree. Tomorrow I will awaken, but I don’t know where. Then I will start again, flying lower in the sky. Perhaps then I will be able to find us a new home.

Part 2:

http://www.rfa.org/english/uyghur/wild_pigeon2-20050627.html?searchterm=wild%20pigeon

A lyrical voice awakens me, dredges me up from the deep, sweet sleep that belongs only to the very young and to those exhausted beyond measure. A group of pigeons flocks toward me—I hear their voices alongside their beating wings, and I am shocked to see that they look exactly like me. At first they resemble the pigeons in my dream, but when I look closely I can see that they are different.
First, though, I must find out where I can fill my empty stomach. I ask these pigeons where there is a safe place one can find food. They change the direction suddenly, flying away from the dwelling-places. I follow them.
An empty belly
“Where are you going?” I ask a pigeon at the back of the group.
“To the mill house.”
“What will you do there?”
“Look for pigeon food”
“Are you looking for something to eat?”
His eyes are icy as he asks me, “So you are a wild pigeon?”
“Originally are you a wild pigeon?”
“Yes, I am from the strawberry shoal.”
The pigeon-catchers
I follow them to the mill house where I see large store of wheat covered with straw. The flavor is really sweet, and I think this storehouse looks good—without any trace of humans. The other pigeons look peaceful and contented. I also start to trust this peaceful environment, take courage, and fill my belly.
This is nothing like what my mother described of the outside world. I reach out trustingly for the wheat in front of me. Suddenly, a fierce power is choking my neck. I try to move away, as fast as an arrow shot from a bow, but find I am choking, and an unknown power is pulling me back, just as fast. I try to hide but I cannot—I am pulled down, flying, circling, without direction.
All the other pigeons scatter upward, and I fear I may crash to the ground as in my dream. I fear I am falling into human hands, but no humans are near. Time passes, but I have no idea how many hours elapse. Suddenly, two humans appear, and I think I have been caught—then the chokehold on my neck relaxes.
Suddenly, a fierce power is choking my neck. I try to move away, as fast as an arrow shot from a bow, but find I am choking, and an unknown power is pulling me back, just as fast. I try to hide but I cannot—I am pulled down, flying, circling, without direction.
“This is a wild pigeon,” a younger-looking human says.
“Hold him firmly—tie up his wings so he won’t fly away,” says the other. Together they bind my wings, grasp my neck, and stare into my eyes.
“Hey, this is a great species—it’s really good luck,” the elder human says, turning me over and over in his hands for a closer look.
‘Set him free’
“This wild pigeon is already useless—set him free,” says the elder. “Set him free. He has already bitten off his tongue. When you catch this kind of pigeon, you have no choice but to set him free. Usually it’s only the leader of the flock who will do this.”
“At least let us keep him for eggs,” the younger human protests.
“This kind of pigeon—he won’t eat or drink if we keep him. He will resist and refuse until death.”
“This kind of pigeon—he won’t eat or drink if we keep him. He will resist and refuse until death.”
The younger human is adamant. “We can’t just let him go!”
“All right then, it’s your choice. You’ll see that I am telling the truth. I once caught such a pigeon and insisted on keeping it—but he lived only a week,” says the elder.
The ordeal of the cage
“I will certainly tame it,” the younger human replies confidently.”
You will never tame me, I think. I will find a way home. I am ashamed of myself for failing to take my mother’s words to heart and then falling into a trap laid by humans. I draw all of my remaining strength and feel for a moment that I might fly free. Instead, I crash to the ground.
“Dirty bastard!” the younger human cries. “At least I bound up one wing—I suppose that kept him from flying free.”
He packs me into a bag, apparently planning to take me with him somewhere. Perhaps he aims to bind both wings and put me in a cage. I see several pigeons behind iron bars, all gathered at one corner.
I see several pigeons behind iron bars, all gathered at one corner.
“You must have been very hungry indeed, or you wouldn’t have fallen into my trap,” says the younger human, as he places food and water in one corner of the iron cage. The instant he sets the food down, pigeons flock at the corner of cage, frantically rushing toward it. At this moment, anger burns through me and I wonder if crashing into the bars would deliver a fatal blow to my head and end this horror.
But my wing remains bound—and I am immobilized. I raise my head slightly toward the sun, thinking that in less than a day I have fallen into a trap set by humans. If my mother could see me now, what would she think? I lower myself to the floor.
Neither eating, nor being eaten
In my dream, I see my mother against a deep blue sky, calling to me. My father appears, tall and stately, and I feel proud of him. They call out to me again and I fly toward them—but they retreat. Again I fly toward my parents and again they retreat. I stop flying, and they stop as well. I am thirsty and call out, “Mother, water!”
A human voice shakes me back to consciousness. “”This pigeon is truly stubborn,” the voice says. “He has been here five days and eaten nothing.” It is the younger of the two humans who first caught me.
“Didn’t I tell you that feeding him would be useless?” his elder replies crossly.
Just let him go. To watch a pigeon such as this die slowly is too pitiful.
“But if he continues to fast, he will die. Wouldn’t it be better if I just cooked him now for broth for my child?”
The elder is derisive. “You’d get nothing much from him now and you’d probably fall ill. Just let him go. To watch a pigeon such as this die slowly is too pitiful”
“Setting him free does us no good,” the younger man replies.
‘Nothing good will come of this’
“Nothing good will come of this in any event.”
“We should have made a soup of him immediately,” the younger man says. As he tries to unbind my wings and place me on the cage floor, I summon all the strength I have left, thinking I might fly up to the sky. But the wire is too strong, and I cannot.
I want to hurtle toward the cage door and escape, but I cannot. This cage is supremely clever in its cruelty, I think, in allowing anyone caught inside ample view of the freedoms denied to him—with no hope of regaining them.
This cage is supremely clever in its cruelty, I think, in allowing anyone caught inside ample view of the freedoms denied to him—with no hope of regaining them.
The air inside and outside this cage are identical, I think, but the life possible on my side of these iron bars might just as well belong to a different universe. Whoever designed such a device was truly an iron fist with the blackest of hearts—determined to immobilize small creatures such as me even though I can bring them no conceivable benefit. By caging my body, they hope to enslave my soul, I think. I want to end my life but I cannot, and this is worst of all. “Heartless humans who killed my freedom,” I want to cry out, “either set me free or let me die!”
A familiar smell comes to me, and then I see my mother—her eyes gleaming, anxious, noting in turn my loosened feathers, my broken mouth, my pathetic, twisted wings.
The soul’s release
“Forgive me, mother,” I start to say. “I wasn’t equal to the trust you placed in me. I am not fit to be your son.” I lower my head, like a condemned criminal in the dock. Why couldn’t I have died before she arrived here?
“You did everything in your power,” she replies. “Now you must end this.”
“But mama, I cannot,” I tell her. “I am a prisoner—without energy, without strength. Much as I would like to die, I cannot.”
“That is clear,” she tells me. “And so I have come to bring you freedom.”
“I no longer deserve freedom,” I say. “I am no longer worthy of being your child.”
“Then I shall tell you again—I have brought you freedom. You are still my brave child—you must not be forced to live like a slave but must be allowed to die bravely, with dignity,” she says, pushing a bit of food toward me.
A high price for freedom
“This strawberry is the poisonous variety—eat it, and it will set you free. Restore the honor of our flock. And remember always that true freedom comes only at a high price. Here, move your mouth closer to me.”
I gaze at my mother for the last time. She seems peaceful, and brave. I stretch my damaged mouth out toward her. My beak, my only remaining weapon—an enemy to the humans, it protected and fed me, and then led me into the humans’ trap. It is broken now, shattered by my failed collision with the iron bars.
Finally, I can die freely. I feel as if my soul is on fire—soaring and free.
The poisons from the strawberry flow through me like the sound of freedom itself, along with gratitude that now, now, finally, I can die freely. I feel as if my soul is on fire—soaring and free.
I see everything clearly now—the sky is still such a deep blue and the world remains so beautiful, and everything is so quiet and still. A group of pigeons gathers at the edge of cage around me, watching me, puzzled and surprised.
Maralbeshi County March 24, 2004


《野鸽子》 (汉语译本)
维吾尔族作家: 努力默赫默德.亚森

http://www.uyghurpen.org/ye-ge-zi.pdf

那不,我好像还在蔚蓝色天空中飞翔。是在作梦呢,还是醒着,或两者都不是,我自己也不太清楚。一阵阵清风飕飕的穿过我的翅膀。此时此刻,我是如此的精神焕发。我的全身焕发出无穷的力量。晨霞万里,阳光明媚,普照着大千世界。啊,这是多么美丽的景色!我,更加精神抖擞,翱翔于高空。我眼前的草莓园消失了。这世界变得如此的辽阔,宛如蔚蓝色的地毯,清淅地展现在我的眼下。这是以前,我从来没见到过的景色,也是我从来没见到过的地方。然而,我对此地存满了犹如对故乡的厚爱。所有的地方都显得那么美丽。 突然,在我眼前呈现出,许多居民区和房屋。下面有许多微小东西在懦动。我感觉到,那是我母亲常对我讲起的人类。但是,对我来说,他们显得并不危险。我想,也许是我母亲衰老了。我简直不敢想信, 那些爬行在地面上的可怜生灵,会比飞翔在蓝天中我们更强盛。也许理解这一点,我的大脑是不够用的。反正我觉得人类并不是那么可怕. 我母亲曾经对我说过:„人类诡计多端,阴谋在肚,一不小心,他们就会使你成为人下之囚。‟
一闪念,我还真想见识一下人类的阴谋。为什么,他们会把阴谋藏在肚子里呢?我有一点想不通。我渐渐地下降,盘旋在居民区上空。现在所有的东西清晰的呈现在我的眼下。此地除了人之外,还有牛,羊,鸡,反正还有许多我没有见过的东西。一群鸽子正在空中飞翔。另外一部分正座落在牺息架上。我慢慢地落到了它们的旁边。我落下来,是为了跟它们交谈呢,还是为了休息,我自己也记不清了。那时候的感觉是非常的模糊。总的来说,我对它们的生活很感兴趣。 “你从哪里来?”它们当中一个老鸽子问。我不能肯定它是这群鸽子的首领。因为它的职位,对我来说是无关紧要。反正,我不是这群鸽子的成员。所以,我丝毫感觉不到,它的职位对我的重要性。
我回答:“从草莓滩来。” 老鸽子:“我听我的爷爷说过。我们的祖先也是从那里来。可是,我听说那个地方,离我们有几个月的路程,平时,几天的路程,我们都飞不到。也许你是迷路了吧。” 我对几天路程,它们都飞不到的回答。感到非常的惊讶。我想可能它是衰老了。它说的“草莓滩”和我来的“草莓滩”是否是同一个地方,我作不出准确判断。如果它的爷爷,是从我来的“草莓滩”而来,也就是说,我们很可能是源于一个群体的亲戚。 “我不是迷了路而飞到了这里,而是练飞行,飞到了此地。我可以连续好几天,不吃任何东西飞行。”我回答。它非常惊奇的看了我一下。 “你可能是野鸽子。它们都这样说。可是,我们没有你们那样斗志。我们除了牺息架和鸽笼之外,什么都不想。而且,我从来也没离开过这个居民区。离开这里,又能得到什么呢?如果你想落,有牺息架,如果你想住,有鸽笼,什么都是现成的,有必要吃苦吗?在加上我拖儿带女,要飞,又能飞到哪里去呢?并且,我主人待我方好。”老鸽子用嘴戳了戳羽毛。 “我听说人类很可怕。还说如果人类把我们抓去,便会奴役我们的灵魂。那是真的吗?” “灵魂?”我旁边的一只小鸽子惊讶的说,“爷爷,什么是灵魂?” 我对它连„灵魂‟ 都不知道,而感到非常惊讶。这些鸽子是怎么教育孩子的呢?没有灵魂的生命,又有什么用呢?没有灵魂,使它们堕落到了何等的地步啊?为什么,它们不懂这道理呢?虽然灵魂和自由是不能作为礼物的,也不能祈祷而得。但是,我深深地感觉到,对这些可怜的鸽子来说,一个灵魂自由的地方,是何等的重要。它们好像从来就没有听说过„灵魂‟贰字。 老鸽子摸着那个小鸽子的头,开始说:“什么是灵魂我也不知道。我还是听我爷爷讲的。这是我第二次听到。我爷爷也是从它太爷哪里听到的。可能它太爷,也许是听它祖爷讲的。我爷爷常说„我们失去灵魂已经有好长时间了。‟也许这个鸽子所说的,可能就是,我们已经失去很长时间的那个灵魂。我们现在连灵魂的影子,都没有了。” 老鸽子转过来,面向着我。告诉我,孩子“你知道„灵魂‟是什么东西吗?”
我有一点不知所措。我担心,回答不出我自己所提出的问题。 “不 !我现在回答不了,但是我母亲说,„你具有你父亲拥有的,勇敢精神,那精神每天都在不断地成熟。‟一旦成熟,我就一定会知道什么是 „灵魂‟。” “呃,也就是说,你父亲的精神是在你身上体现着。可是,不仅是父辈,就连整个儿鸽群的灵魂早已消失了。我母亲从来也没有给我们讲过,关于灵魂的话题。我们从父辈那里也没得到任何启示。如今我又忘了把这话讲给孩子们。所以,我们可能早已跨入无灵魂时代。哎,如果我们能够找到我们所失去的灵魂那该多好啊。”老鸽子澄清在喜悦之中。 “你们就是因为无灵魂,而一代又一代的成为人们的奴役。他们随时会把你们变成他们的食物。他们把你们奴役到了,就是放了你们,你们也飞不到任何地方,只是飞翔在人类的领地上。你们为了不愿丢掉小小鸽食,连你们的后代也断送于人们的奴役之中。你们和我们一样,需要一个领鸽。但是,从你们现状来看,寄予你们太大的希望是不可能的。你们应该首先消除你们灵魂中的奴役。最重要地是搞清楚什么是„灵魂‟。你为什么不跟我一起去,问一问我母亲呢?”我以同情的心理,对老鸽子说。我这样说,是想让老鸽子去领悟呢?还是想让自己长知识,我确实是不太清楚。也许两种心理,同时存在。 “我的一条腿已经跨向坟墓。我拥有如此安全的鸽笼。我又要到哪里去寻求„灵魂„呢?再说,我又不知道,什么是灵魂。找到了它,又有何益。你看,没有灵魂,不是什么也没发生吗。在这鸽笼里,可以平安的生活。再说,推崇没有任何价值的灵魂是何等的艰难。” 我在沉思老鸽子的言谈。它所说的,一听起来,好像是对得,再听起来,又好像是错的。然而,跟没有任何生活信念和灵魂的鸽子,高谈灵魂,使我感到很羞愧。我想,对这个问题,应该去问我母亲。 一群鸽子,落到了我们旁边。然后在相互咕咕的交谈。它们所说的一些词句,我一点也没有听懂。也许它们是用自己的母语在交谈。平时,我们那里,偶尔也有一些这样的外乡鸽飞来。它们是谁?是那老鸽子的朋友呢,还是它的亲戚,这我不知道。它们是要跟我交谈呢,还是要相互聊天,我还是无从得知。 “你好 !我的孩子。”老鸽子用嘴啄了一下儿一个小鸽子的羽毛,逗着说。
“不好,肚子饿了。为什么母亲现在不喂我了?”它提到了鸽食,好像是提到一个叫玉米的名称。可能它说的是小米,也许是大麻。反正是我不知道的异称。哎,人类所养的鸽子很奇怪。它们用各种各样的名词,来称呼吃的东西,这使我很吃惊。 “你母亲现在为了让你的新弟妹来世,不得不在蓄存营养。你必须要等主人来撒鸽食,行吗?” “不,我不能等。我自己去野外寻食吃。” “好了,我的乖孩子,听我的话。如果你去那里是很危险的,坏人会把你抓去吃了。不要去,行吗? 小鸽子噘着嘴平静下来。看来,这个鸽群的鸽子们,好像还是很听这个老鸽子的话。这些鸽子跟那些把它们抓去而吃的人类生活在一起,我对此一点也想不通。也许我把„吃‟这个词,理解错了。可能这词和„好好照顾‟有类似词意。如果这是一个外来借词,我很可能把词义曲解了。但是,我想这是每个鸽子必须所知的重要词语。我母亲常常嘱咐我„小心被人抓去吃了。‟然而,现在这个词,在这里好像是改变了词意。如果它们担心被人吃掉的话,它们是决不会还和人类住在一起。而会依靠翅膀,飞向它们所想望的地方。可能它们连自己长有翅膀都忘了吧。也许它们还是不愿意离开已经住惯了的鸽笼。 “那么,我们的主人好吗?”小鸽子开始向老鸽子提问。 “当然好” “可是,它们也和别人一样,把我们随便抓了就吃。” “这可不一样。他们把我们放在鸽笼里养,抓我们吃是应该的。对此,我们当中的任何一个鸽子都不能反对。” 我终于明白了„吃‟的词意和我们那里的用法是一样的,我刚才的猜测简直是多余。 “可是,主人撒的鸽食都被大鸽子吃了,没我的份,我吃什么呢?我日益消瘦,我简直无法生存。” “你也会这样慢慢地长大。从大鸽子那里学会怎么吃食。决不会,把能吃的东西给别人。我们生存的环境就这样,我的孩子。”
“但是,爷爷?“ “行了孩子,不要多说了。鸽子们应该学会满足。不要争执多余的东西,知道了吧。” “你把它的自由,限制的太厉害了。”我打断他们的话。“你应该给它更大的空间。应该让它随意而自由的生活。” 我虽然不愿打断老鸽子的话。但我未能保持自己的沉默。以我之见,这种不平等的环境,会把鸽子之间的友情导向毁灭。 “哎,你是不懂我们的形势。让主人生气是不可能的。如果我们当中的一个欲越他所规定的范围而消失,他会将我们全部关进鸽笼里;连续几个月不会让我们出去。那时候,我们将会把这小小的牺息架也会失去。” „鸽笼‟ 到底是什么东西,对此我显得那样的无知。鸽子们非常害怕关进鸽笼里, 同时又害怕失去它。最难以使我理解的就是那些生活在人们当中的鸽子。我把这种想法好像是告诉了我的爷爷。但是,我给爷爷讲了呢,还是没有讲,现在我已记不清了。因为,我没得到一句反对,或肯定回答。 我说:“你们这些大鸽子与弱者争食吃,并且压制它们的反抗,又努力为此辨解,好像这样做是对的;这种环境,又怎能够适合鸽儿们的健康成长和生存呢?你们堕落到了如此愚昧无知的程度,卑鄙无耻到了和人类一样地步。” “你不要侮辱人类。没有他们,就便没有我们的今天。把你的反动宣传拿到别处讲去。”老鸽子愤怒地说。我对老鸽子对我的好心,如此的生气而感到非解。也许,它没有听懂我的意图,可能需要进一步的解释。 “你们没有责任感。眼看着把自己的后代推进火堆里…”我想继续把我的话描述的更生动一些。但是,一瞬间,随着„当啷‟一声巨响,我的腿镇痛起来。我虽然拼命得拍打翅膀欲飞,可是翅膀悬空了。鸽子们„轰‟的一声飞起。然后,在我的周围盘旋。 “哈,哈,哈,自由之士,你最终会被关进鸽笼里。让我瞧瞧,你还会再说大话吗。”
我感到,已经掉进了鸽套。我突然间明白了,原来老鸽子拉我谈话是为了骗着我,好让它的主人把我套住。我的内心充满了无限的悲痛。危险并没有来自人类,而来自为了很小的利益而受骗的同类们。它们配合人类把我捉住,使我非解,并使我非常的痛心。我心里,顿时起了闪电般的念头,不能落入人的手里。只要我挣断我的双腿,我又会得到自由。所以我用尽全力向两面扑打。 “孩子,站起来,你怎么了?”我睁开眼睛,母亲在眼前看着我。感谢上帝,我还活着,我摸了摸双腿,完好无损。 母亲说:“你在做恶梦。” “我做了一个非常可怕的梦。”我拥抱着母亲,把梦中所见都告诉了她。 “孩子,你梦见了我们后代的命运。人类在逐渐地挤进,我们所生存的空间。想把我们从自古以来就生存的领土上赶出去。他们想夺取我们的领土。让我们的后代变质。想让我们变的,连自己的同类都不认得的低能愚儿。也许在不远的将来,这里会盖起高楼大厦,和许多工厂。那时,不需要的工业产品掺杂着浓浓的工业黑烟,将会把我们这美丽环境污染。遗留在城市的河流中,不会流着像现在这样的清甜泔水,而会流着污水。人类的侵略是非常可怕的。我的孩子,你现在还是不会擦觉。现在这样一个纯净的环境,我们的后代是见不到的。它们一出世会觉得这世界原来就是这样。无可奈何地会落进人们的虎钳。人们在日益地排挤我们。而且已离我们很近了。现在,我们不去另找出路是不行了。如果我们自己不拯救自己;任何人是拯救不了我们的。走,我们出去,现在是讲述你父亲事迹的时间已到。” 母亲带着我,走了出去。我们的周围,完全被野花绿草覆盖着,没有任何的路,也没有足迹,是一望无际的广阔草原。这里是河边的一块悬崖。在这里几千只鸽子垒窝繁殖后代。在悬崖下面流过的清清河水,给我们演奏着亲切的摇篮曲。在我看来,这是世界上最美丽,又是最安全的领土。如果没有人类,我们将永远生活在这个幸福的地方。哎,人类,你们简直是… “这就是你的领土。这也是你的先辈生活的地方。你爷爷和父亲更加美化了这块土地。它们曾是这群鸽子的首领。所以我们在鸽群当中的威信很高。我们肩上的责任也很重。希望你能够成为,父亲般的勇敢之士。我每天早起,带你到几百里之外,训练飞行。教你的翅膀练的更强,肌肉更硬,有智多谋,随时警觉。你现在的体质已经成熟。你更需要在智慧上的成熟。随时惕防人类。不要想,人们只是在地上行走,是不会伤害我们的。他们用枪,可以把你从几千米的高空打下。你知道父亲是怎么逝世的吗?”
“不,您曾说不是时候,而没有告诉我。” “现在是时候了。前几天,我看到几个人在这里窥探。也就是说,他们的眼睛盯上了我们。所以在他们到来之前,我们应该找到更加安全的地方。你父亲也正是在这些人手中丧生的。” “母亲,请告诉我,父亲是怎么样落入他们手中的呢?”我母亲在沉思。我想,她是在伤心。 “那天,你父亲是领着一群鸽子为我们去寻食。平时,鸽子们常常选择又安全,又有许多食物的地方去打食。因为你父亲是领鸽,这重任很自然落到了它的肩上。你父亲那一出去,几天没有回来。我是那样的为它担心。平时,如果需要到半天多的地方去,我们就会挪窝。你父亲到远处去寻食,是不可能的。我的心察觉到,它可能是遇到了意外。那时候,你和你的第妹刚刚出卵。所以我不能够丢下你们,去寻找你的父亲。过了几个月,跟你父亲同去的一个鸽子回来了。那时我觉得我的判断是正确的。我得知你父亲落到了人们所设下的鸽套。后来它生存的朋友们一个个都回来了。但是,你父亲那一出去,就没有再回来。” 我在想母亲会哭出来。然而从母亲的眼里闪烁着勇敢的光芒。 “我父亲为什么没有能够回来呢?”我着急的问。 “你父亲是鸽王,应具有王族的精神。如果它不能够保护自己,怎么能够保护鸽群呢?一个王,落入别人的奴役之下,又怎么能够再回来成为领鸽。它唯一的出路,是绝不屈服于他人的奴役。人们把你的父亲抓住,关进鸽笼之后,根据我们野鸽子皇家家族的风俗,它咬断了舌头。它认为在鸽笼里多关一秒钟都是不合适的。鸽笼被它的鲜血染红了。你父亲没有吃喝人们所赐给的水和食物,生存了整整一个星期。最后,你父亲在他们的手中英勇地牺牲了。这是真正的自由精神,我的孩子。希望你也和父亲一样,永远成为自由的保卫者。” “妈妈,我父亲为什么不和别的鸽子一样,找机会逃回来呢?” “你父亲不愿意让它的孩子成为奴隶。他们抓住你父亲,想让你父亲与别的鸽子相配传代。但是,你父亲决不会让它的后裔生存在带有耻辱性的生活环境中。那是它的良心所不能接受的。你梦见的那些鸽子正是那些把自己的后裔变成奴隶,而讨得一生的鸽子之后代。孩子,它们的灵魂受到了奴役,至今仍生活在人们的手中。死亡会比这种苟活着好几千倍。你是那个勇敢鸽子之子;永远不要忘记那种精神。”
母亲的话,久久地震撼着我的灵魂。我作为勇敢鸽子之子,而感到无限的欣慰。顿时,我感觉到一种非常自豪而幸福的精神从我的内心升起。我心里存满了力量和自豪。我以心中所有的爱紧紧地拥抱着我母亲。 “去吧,孩子,我把你献给了祖国和鸽群。不要让群鸽无首。最近以来,人们用各种方法把我们抓去。你去为我们寻找更加安全的地方,再见,我的孩子。” 我的翅膀被母亲的眼泪能湿了。我明白了,我的梦,就是出征的暗示。我在暗思,我是决不会落入人们所设下的套索。我飞的很远。开始,我是沿着河流而飞。后来,我飞入一个居民区。这不是我梦中所见的居民区。也并不像,我梦见的那么可怕。即便是这样,我还是小心翼翼,在高高地飞翔。我的翅膀有着足够的力量。我耳边响起的,不是人们的喧嚷,而是飕飕刮风声。在飞行中,我是不能远离自己的目标。如果飞的太远,将会影响我们的迁移。说实话,我是不太同意母亲的迁移计划。我们的领地是坐落在非常高的悬崖峭壁上。这里不要说是人,就连飞禽也难落。我们在这里代代相传,安居乐业,如今预想变迁。我想,人类并不是我们想象的那么强盛。这不,我现在正在人们的领空上飞行。没有感觉到任何的危险。也许我母亲变的过分敏感。 天色渐渐的变黑,周围的一切消失在一片漆黑之中。飞了一整天,有一点儿累。我并没有想落在有人的地方。黑夜里为了不迷失方向,不休息是不行的。我已洞擦了西边,北边,及南边。在这土地上,还没有遇到,我们可以生存的一个好地方。也许我飞的有点儿太高。我心想,明天去东边,飞抵一点。夜色,星星在我的上空闪烁。我心想,在这存满美丽的世界上,如此恐惧的活着,是多么的愚蠢。我渐渐地下降,落到了一棵树上。明天,我将在什么样的风景中惊醒,是未知的。我过分的警惕,飞的太高,我还没有遇到,一个使我满意的地方。所以,明天我想改变方法,飞抵一些。 一个优美的声音,把我从甜蜜的睡梦中惊醒。因为疲劳,我睡的那么的甜蜜。一群鸽子在我的周围飞翔。从它们的翅膀下传来了动听的声音。我非常吃惊,那些鸽子和我长的一模一样。一瞧,它们和我所梦见的鸽子也有点相似;再一瞧,又不太像。昨天飞了一整天,没有吃东西,我的肚子非常饿。我想问一问他们,这里是否有一个安全寻食的地方。他们突然改变了方向,开始朝着居民区之外的方向飞去。我也尾随着他们。 “你们到哪里去?”我问一个落伍的鸽子。
“到磨房去” “你们到那里干吗?” “去寻鸽食” “去寻你们所吃的东西吗?” 它好像是遇到一个怪物似的狠狠地盯了一眼。 “原来你是野鸽子呀?” “是的,我是从草莓滩来。” 我尾随着鸽子们飞到了磨房。这里还真有许多被覆盖着的小麦,味道还真甜。我心想,这个地方还可以。连人的影子都见不到。我看到别的鸽子们安然无忌的模样。我也开始放心大胆地填起我的肚子。外边的世界,决不是像我母亲所说的那样存满了危险。我放心地向我面前,一颗大粒麦子伸出脖子。突然,凶猛而来的一股力量掐住了我的脖子。我像箭一般突起,想把我的身躯躲向一边;可是,未知的一股力量,以同样的速度把我坠下来。我向四处扑打。鸽子们„哄‟的一声起飞。最后我无力的倒下来。这和我梦见的那个景象,非常像似。我心想,是否是落到了人们的手中呢?可是,在这近处看不见任何人。不知过了多长时间,突然两个人出现在我旁边。哎,我是落到了人们的手中,我自言自语。然后,他们把套在我脖子上的夹子放松。 “是野鸽子…”其中一个年轻一点的说。 “抓紧,不要让它飞了,把它的翅膀绑上。”他们一块把我的翅膀绑上,然后抓着我的脖子,开始查看我的眼睛。 “喂,好品种,真是好福气。”长者把我拿到手里,看了又看。 “这鸽子对我们丝毫没有用,放了它吧。看,它已经把舌头咬断了。 遇到这种鸽子,没有别的办法,只好把它放了。一般来说,只有领鸽才这样。” “至少让它卵一窝。” “它是不会吃食,也不会喝水的,一直到死去,将与你对抗。”
年轻人说:“不能眼看着就把它放了?” “随你的便,不过多久,你会相信我的话。我也曾经抓住过这样的鸽子。最初,我是舍不得把它放了。过了一个礼拜,它便死去了。” “我一定会把它驯服。” 他自信地说。 我心想,我决不会被你驯服,想办法一定会逃回去。我对没有牢记母亲的话落到此地,而感到非常的羞愧。我从他手中挣力解脱出来,起飞,但是没有飞多远,犹如一块石头,„扑通‟一声掉下来。 “鬼东西,还好我把它的翅膀绑了,否则也不知,它会飞向哪里?” 他把我装进了袋状物内,不知带向何处。把我的翅膀绑的更紧,然后把我关进了铁笼里。铁笼里的几个鸽子,一起挤向一个角落。 “看来,你是饿极了,不然,你是不会为了一颗麦粒,而在我的套夹里挣扎。”说着,他向铁笼里撒了一把鸽食,并放了水。鸽子们一拥而上,吃起食来。这时我的愤恨达到了极点。如果可能,我就想,一头撞死在铁笼里。然而,由于我的翅膀被绑的太紧,我一动也不能动。我勉强地抬起头,看着顶头的阳光。呵,离开家,还不到一天,我就落到了人们的手里。唉,如果我母亲见到这状况,会怎么想呢?我筋疲力尽地躺在地上。 我梦见了母亲。她站在那蔚蓝色的天空招唤着我。突然,我父亲也出现在她旁边。父亲的身躯是如此魁梧,使我肃然起敬。它们好像是在叫我。只少,我好像是听到了它们的呼唤。我朝着它们飞去。我越飞,它们离我越远。我停飞,它们也停下。不断地飞行,使我口干舌燥。„妈妈,水,‟我叫喊着,醒过来,那个人正在我面前说话。 “这个鸽子真固执,已经五天没有吃任何东西。” “我不是说过,喂它没有用吗?”说话的是,那天那个长者。 “如果它继续这样下会死去。不如把它,给我的孩子熬汤。” “这能熬多少汤,也许你现在吃了它,会生病的。最好把它放了。眼看着,让这么
好种的鸽子死去,真可惜。” “当然,如果你把它放了,对我们也没有任何好处。” “反正,现在也没有好处。” “一开始就应该把它熬成汤。” 他整了整我向下垂吊着的翅膀,然后把我放下。尉蓝色的空中,阳光照射着强烈的光芒。我凝聚着全身的力量,想朝着蓝天飞去。可是,鸽笼的铁丝网仍然阻挡着我的道路。几天以来,我已经感到,不可能用自己的躯体撞开铁笼。这时,我凝聚了一点力量,身体有点儿回复,便试着向铁笼扑去。我想撞开铁网,铁笼是制作的如此坚实。可以说,这工艺凝聚着人类最高的知慧结晶。从里面,可以看到外面所有的自由。 可是获得自由,是绝对不可能。 鸽笼里面的空气和外面的空气一样,只是生活的形式不一样。制作铁笼的人们,简直是铁面黑心。我这小小生灵,为自由不懈而战的勇气丝毫也不能使他们感动。虽然他们非常清楚,我对他们一点用处也没有,他们却想奴役我的灵魂。他们想通过折磨一无所有的小小生命,而达到他们的目的。最卑鄙的是,他们把我逼到了,想死都死不了的地步。我从内心深处悲惨地呐喊:哎,自由的凶手,无情的人类,或让我去死,或给我自由 ! 突然,我闻到了熟悉的气味儿。我的躯体随时振奋起来,“妈妈…” 我在兴奋之余抬起了头。母亲的眼神里闪耀着紧张的光芒。它用一种悲愤地心理,望着我被拔掉的羽毛,垂下的嘴巴,以及柔的像烂毡子似的翅膀。 “母亲,请愿凉,我未能够承担你寄予的希望。我是决不配作你的儿子。”我像一个罪犯底低下了头。我羞愧而又懊悔地祈求到,为什么没有在母亲赶到之前,而死去呢。 “不,你做了,你能做到的一切。现在你应该把它结速。” “可是母亲,我变成了囚犯。我微弱无力到了,想死都死不了的地步。” “这一切是显而易见。我来,是为了让你得到自由。”
“我现在并不想得到自由。我现在这个情况,是决不配做你的孩子。” “我会给你带来自由。你亦然是我勇敢的孩子。你决不该像奴隶一样生存,而应该勇敢的死去。”她说着,把腹中的鸽食拿出来。“这是有毒的草莓,你吃了,便会从他们的奴役中解脱出来。而又可以保护我们群体的威信。你必须牢记,自由永远是不可能祈求而得。为自由,必须要付出代价。过来,把你的嘴靠近一些。” 我最后一次盯着母亲坚定的目光。她是那么地放心,又是那么地勇敢。我把残存而又下垂的嘴巴向她伸去,这是我最有力的武器,它已变为自由之敌–铁网的牺牲品。我的嘴是在啄着这无情之网时,残缺成这样。这有毒的草莓在我身上,变成自由的代言人。最后我为获得自由的死亡之机会,而感到欣慰。我的灵魂,开始在一种解脱之中熊熊燃烧着。天空是那么的晴朗,周围是那么的肃静,世界仍然是那么的美丽。聚集在角落里的一群鸽子,在惊讶的看着我。 公元二零零四年三月二十四日写于巴楚

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维吾尔族作家: 努力默赫默德.亚森
维吾尔青年业余作家, 努力默赫默德. 亚森 的代表作“野鸽子”在“喀什文学” 杂志二零零四年,第五期发表后,受到广大维吾尔读者的喜爱。还被推荐为苏穆如客网站的,“纳悟儒孜文学奖”优秀作品。努力默赫默德. 亚森生于1974年, 三月六日。他于1997年结婚,得有两子,长子8岁,次子今年1岁半。 努力默赫默德. 亚森,勤奋好学,虽然只有高中学历,近几年来,发表了许多优秀作品和散文诗。作者在自传中提到:“已发表的诗歌集有 ‘初恋’,‘内心痛哭’,‘来吧,孩子们’三本。四十多篇作品被纳入各式文集中。三十多篇作品, 获得各种文学奖。其中十几篇作品被纳入初中和中专新编的课本里。” “野鸽子”是作者的成名作品之一,该文维吾尔语原作题名 “Yawa Kepter” 译成汉语为“野鸽子”。这篇散文式寓言。内容丰富,结构完美,语言精练,比喻形象,读而不厌。该文以野鸽和家鸽对话形式,风景的刻画,及鸽子和人类相处;深刻地描绘了野鸽子们生存的社会现实。作者在文中指出,现实生活就像是一场梦,但又好像不是梦。该寓言深动的描述了两代野鸽子的同样遭遇。
作者把野鸽子家园描绘的如此美丽:“我们的周围完全被野花绿草覆盖着,没有任何的路,也没有足迹,是一望无际的广阔草原。这里是河边的一块悬崖。在这里几千只鸽子,垒窝繁殖后代。在悬崖下面,流过的清清河水,给我们演奏着亲切的摇篮曲。在我看来,这是世界上最美丽,又是最安全的领土。如果没有人类,我们将永远生活在这个幸福的地方,哎,人类,你们简直是„” 本文发表后,没有过多久,中国政府对“野鸽子”进行政治审查,为其内容大为不满。收回该期杂志,把作者于二零零四年,十一月二十九日抓去,于二零零五年二月,在巴楚县法院审判。当局不容许他找个人律师,也不容许他的家庭成员出庭。 鸽子在全世界的文化中都是和平,纯洁,和友谊的象征。可是中国当局把作品中 “野鸽子”与 “分裂分子”系起来;判处作者有期徒刑十年。 作者不服,上诉于喀什地区中级法院,当该中级法院在考虑给他减刑于7年时,喀什地区党委书记,施压法院维持原判。政府没收了亚森的个人电脑。据称电脑中存有一千六百篇诗,评论,故事,和一部没有写完的长篇小说。中国政府于二零零五年,五月,把亚森转到了乌鲁木齐市,第一监狱。自从亚森入狱后,他的家人未得容许探监。流亡海外的维吾尔知识分子称,中国政府此举,使作者和全世界一千多万维吾尔读者,人权和自由受到了严重的践踏。 在二十一世纪,这样一个科技发达,言论自由的信息时代。这篇寓言的遭遇,使作者在“野鸽子”中描绘的庄严词语,显得更加深刻,淋漓尽致:“我从内心深处悲惨地呐喊:哎,自由的凶手,无情的人类,或让我去死,或给我自由 ! 我在享受该文之余,突然产生了,把此篇优秀散文式寓言,介绍给更广泛读者的念头。为此特将本文译成英文和中文。诚恳地希望能与更多的英文和中文读者分享。 译者:多鲁坤. 阚白尔 维吾尔青年业余作家, 努力默赫默德. 亚森的代表作“野鸽子”在“喀什文学” 杂志二零零四年,第五期发表后,受到广大维吾尔读者的喜爱。还被推荐为苏穆如客网站的,“纳悟儒孜文学奖”优秀作品。努力默赫默德. 亚森生于1974年, 三月六日。他于1997年结婚,得有两子,长子8岁,次子今年1岁半。 努力默赫默德. 亚森,勤奋好学,虽然只有高中学历,近几年来,发表了许多优秀作品和散文诗。作者在自传中提到:“已发表的诗歌集有 ‘初恋’,‘内心痛哭’,‘来吧,孩子们’三本。四十多篇作品被纳入各式文集中。三十多篇作品, 获得各种文学奖。其中十几篇作品被纳入初中和中专新编的课本里。” “野鸽子”是作者的成名作品之一,该文维吾尔语原作题名 “Yawa Kepter” 译成汉语为“野鸽子”。这篇散文式寓言。内容丰富,结构完美,语言精练,比喻形象,读而不厌。该文以野鸽和家鸽对话形式,风景的刻画,及鸽子和人类相处;深刻地描绘了野鸽子们生存的社会现实。作者在文中指出,现实生活就像是一场梦,但又好像不是梦。该寓言深动的
描述了两代野鸽子的同样遭遇。 作者把野鸽子家园描绘的如此美丽:“我们的周围完全被野花绿草覆盖着,没有任何的路,也没有足迹,是一望无际的广阔草原。这里是河边的一块悬崖。在这里几千只鸽子,垒窝繁殖后代。在悬崖下面,流过的清清河水,给我们演奏着亲切的摇篮曲。在我看来,这是世界上最美丽,又是最安全的领土。如果没有人类,我们将永远生活在这个幸福的地方,哎,人类,你们简直是„” 本文发表后,没有过多久,中国政府对“野鸽子”进行政治审查,为其内容大为不满。收回该期杂志,把作者于二零零四年,十一月二十九日抓去,于二零零五年二月,在巴楚县法院审判。当局不容许他找个人律师,也不容许他的家庭成员出庭。 鸽子在全世界的文化中都是和平,纯洁,和友谊的象征。可是中国当局把作品中 “野鸽子”与 “分裂分子”系起来;判处作者有期徒刑十年。 作者不服,上诉于喀什地区中级法院,当该中级法院在考虑给他减刑于7年时,喀什地区党委书记,施压法院维持原判。政府没收了亚森的个人电脑。据称电脑中存有一千六百篇诗,评论,故事,和一部没有写完的长篇小说。中国政府于二零零五年,五月,把亚森转到了乌鲁木齐市,第一监狱。自从亚森入狱后,他的家人未得容许探监。流亡海外的维吾尔知识分子称,中国政府此举,使作者和全世界一千多万维吾尔读者,人权和自由受到了严重的践踏。 在二十一世纪,这样一个科技发达,言论自由的信息时代。这篇寓言的遭遇,使作者在“野鸽子”中描绘的庄严词语,显得更加深刻,淋漓尽致:“我从内心深处悲惨地呐喊:哎,自由的凶手,无情的人类,或让我去死,或给我自由 ! 我在享受该文之余,突然产生了,把此篇优秀散文式寓言,介绍给更广泛读者的念头。为此特将本文译成英文和中文。诚恳地希望能与更多的英文和中文读者分享。 译者:多鲁坤. 阚白尔

A Han Who Understands non-Han

Posted: 2012年12月14日 in Original Thoughts

As a professor of anthropology and ethnology at China’s Central University for Nationalities, Prof. Zhang Haiyang’s recent article on China’s ethnicities (中国民族领域的政治生态与共和宪政坐标) identifies dominant trends and problems among Han-dominated academia and policy-making community in China and indicates the possible solution for China’s ethnic issues such as the Uyghur issues in the future.

This article is important in that it is timely. After China’s 18th congress, it seems that China’s new leadership vows to fight against radicalism and leftism in political, economic, as well as in other arenas. Zhang’s article thus timely points out the Bo Xilai- style leftism especially in China’s academic and policy-making community and attacks Han Chauvinism and un-constitutionalism in China’s ethnic theories and practices.

Secondly, the publication of this article indicates the hope for a healthy, constructive, and comprehensive way for Han to think of China’s ethnic issues, which have long been singled out and associated with sensitivity, troublesomeness, and even terrorism in dominant Han discourses and policy-making circle, especially in the cause of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang. Zhang’s liberal and sympathetic thinking of non-Han in many ways reflects the possibility for China’s new-generation intellectuals to face the failure in China’s ethnic policies and practices, especially in so-called ethnic autonomous regions.

That prof. Zhang stands up and speaks out about ethnic issues in contemporary China has something to do with his academic discipline of anthropology and ethnology, his understanding and appreciation of cultural relativism and universal values, and his practice and implementation of anthropological and ethnological theses and theories.

More importantly, a glance at his biography clearly indicates his involvement in and support for the Tiananmen democracy movement and the academic punishment inflicted on him: he had to spend almost 10 years to finish and defend his PhD dissertation, a rare phenomenon in China’s academic practice (it usually takes 3 years for China’s graduate students to finish PhD study).

Finally, his research office and his home institution, the center for study of world ethnicities at the Central University of Nationalities or Minzu University, makes his article more professional than those of most project-minded or anti-terror minded academics across China. That may explain why his article is welcomed among ethnic intellectuals and is published on ethnic forum (http://www.uighurbiz.net/archives/6551).

Prof. Zhang’s professionalism in and enthusiasm about ethnicities qualifies him to be good Han representative to engage in a dialogue with non-Han groups, esp those who have been labeled as separatists and terrorists such as the Uyghurs.

http://mzx.muc.edu.cn/a/xueyuangaikuang/jigoushezhi/minzuxuexi/zhongguom/2011/0607/241.html

Xinjiang Review is expected to publish more of Prof. Zhang’s articles in the future and, if possible, to translate them into English for the larger audience of Han and the Uyghurs. It is also Xinjiang Review’s hope to bring representative and sympathetic Han academics such as Prof. Zhang and Uyghur intellectuals to initiate constructive and fruitful dialogue on the Uyghur issues in the future.
The attached is Prof. Zhang’s article in Chinese on China’s ethnic ecology and republican and constitutional politics, which can be found on Prof. Zhang’s blog.

http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_48c6994f01016jye.html

中国民族领域的政治生态与共和宪政坐标
论民族区域自治是中国治理民族领域的根本和必由之路

2012-3-28
中央民族大学教授、中国少数民族研究中心主任 张海洋
内容提要: 民族团结是中国的立国之本。龙马之年是中国政治改革的关键期。本文基于朱维群在《学习时报》上发表的文章,分析辛亥革命百年之际的中国民族领域政治生态, 说明官员公知的权力意识膨胀、国情知识匮乏、文化正义感缺失和民族领域不稳定幻象,都是大汉族主义猖獗,共和宪政意识衰退的表征。当今中国民族领域的知识 盲点、教育误区和互信赤字,正在酿成国家的转型陷阱和维稳黑洞。但中国民族领域仍然有政协《共同纲领》、国家《宪法》和《民族区域自治法》,仍是国家政治 改革的帕雷托最优领域和阿基米德支点。中国从民族领域入手凝聚改革共识、用强化民族区域自治制度来推动政治文明建设,用维护少数民族权益来消除互信赤字, 最有利于树立国家文明形象,构建和谐民族关系,确保中华民族复兴。
关键词: 中华民族、共和宪政、协商民主、博弈论
引言:
中国少数民族研究中心的《共识》内刊从本期开始,集中阐释在中国实行民族区域自治制度对于建设政治文明和维护文化生态平衡的必1_110607172657_1

180要性、必然性、可行性和紧迫性。
百年前的2月12日, 清廷发布历史上最重要的法令:清帝《逊位诏书》。它在外观大势内审舆情,承认人心所向天命可知的基础上,以非凡的妥协精神,提出“仍合满汉蒙回藏五族共有 领土,为一大中华民国”,以此确立了共和宪政国体和古今中国领土主权和民族关系的连续法统。二战后,这种共和宪政国体通过民族区域自治得以完善。今年2月13日, 朱维群在中央党校《学习时报》发表“关于民族领域问题的几点思考”一文,引起各界对中国民族政策和民族关系走向的多种猜测。本文分析中国民族领域政治生 态,论述民族区域自治制度是中国政治文明的根本和必由之路。本文分五节,本期刊出一二两节。其他各节参见“论民族领域在中国政治改革顶层设计中的地位”。
一、 人性与共同体和社会
二、 民族领域问题的生态
三、 中国的民族文化结构
四、 民族领域问题的根源
五、 中国的共和宪政坐标

一、 人性与共同体和社会
西 方启蒙运动有个“从必然王国到自由王国”的命题,意思是前现代人类没有科学知识,缺乏主体意识,受制于结构规律,处于必然王国。现代人有了科学知识和主体 意识,能掌握自然和社会规律,因而能进入自由王国。启蒙史观对于推动思想解放厥功甚伟。但它没说清的是:自由王国也不是“历史的终结”。自由王国里的人类 还会有认识周期。例如,毛泽东、胡耀邦当年对民族区域自治制度的认识达到了自由王国,今人的认识又回到了必然王国状态。又比如,当年国家搞计划生育是通往 自由王国之路。现在看,自由王国还得鼓励生育。
民族学家看中国,就是一个镶嵌在现代世界体系里的五边形结构:水平的人性是底线,高耸的国家是顶尖,两肩是联袂而生的《共同体与社会》(滕尼斯1877)。M.莫斯的《礼物》讲了共同体精神的可贵之处。E.利奇的《缅甸高地政治体系》则用克钦/景颇的“贡萨贡老”,指出两者在结构上并存,在进程中交替的钟摆模型。现在看,启蒙史观把“交替”看成“替代”,现代人把“差异”看成“差距”,都是缺乏历史眼光,从而把树木当成了森林,把阶段当成了全过程。
市 民社会具有文明现代性,讲究个体功利实惠。它用线性的时间观把世界看成名利场,侧重法理和理性算计,相信有权不使过期作废,适用于进化论和社会发展史范 式。民族共同体具有文化保守性,讲究群体的道德诚信。它用循环的时间观把世界看成功德林,相信因缘果报,适用于博弈论和文化生态学范式。
共同体和社会在概念上可以截然两分,但在实践中却是谁也离不开谁,而且能相互转化。例如各地政府面对中央部委,都是共同体,但转而用治理地方时,又是个社会。国家对内是社会,对外是共同体。在马克思、M.韦伯和杜尔干那里,社会变成市场,共同体变成社会,两者仍是并存关系。人类的家族、村社、单位、民族等组织,也都是如此这般的多元一体。这是因为人类生活离不开族亲和姻亲。族亲为社会市场提供交换的产品,姻亲为共同体车间配置生产要素。
人 类在共同体与社会里长成,就有了既讲功利又讲道德的普同人性。寻常动物只要觅食交媾就能存活。人类还要用符号和仪式做文化传承和道德再生产,才能体现生命 价值和生活意义。符号包括语言和艺术,用于推动互信合作。道德包括公平正义意识和互惠互报机制,用于识别奸伪和抵制欺诈。
市 场如战场,一锤子买卖多,诈伪或能得利,因而要用法制规范。社会如棋局,讲究反复博弈,诚实才是上策,所以要用礼俗调节。今日中国官员公知总以为农民和少 数民族不会记账,不能问责,因而就搞行为艺术。这是利令智昏搞错了状况。农民出身的林肯总统最懂得农民的真理:“你有法儿让所有的人短期上当,也有法儿让 有些人长期上当。但你没法儿让所有的人长期上当”。这就是人性的执着。斯格特长年研究东南亚文化,指出农民和少数民族不仅都懂行为艺术,而且还会用弱者的 武器来抵制背信弃义和逃避不义治理,从而印证了毛泽东关于“卑贱者最聪明,高贵者最愚蠢”的道理。
当 今世界,自由主义代表市民社会讲效率和普世文明,文化保守主义代表民族共同体讲公平和生态体系。两者对人类生活一个都不能少。国家因而要做制度建设,让各 方按程序公平博弈各得其所,防止单边行动打破平衡、增加交易成本和扩大互信赤字。国家不能伙同民族主义去否认普世价值和侵犯个体人权,引起内外冲突耽误发 展大计,也不能伙同市民社会去通吃民族共同体,使国民丧失生态家园和认同根基。翁永曦近日转述杜润生老前辈的经验:“世界上的事儿不在我们想干什么,而在 于只能干什么;不在我们想怎样干,而在于只能怎样干”。中国会面对少数民族,也始终要讲信任团结合作,不能讲比狠比急比左。广东乌坎的事例说明,政府单边 行动连一个村子都难搞定,何况民族领域要面对的是大半个中国的亿万人口、还有复杂多样的语言宗教和生态环境,还有千百年的经验教训和文史传统。
中 国政界学界恒言民族领域复杂敏感,因而有时用阶级斗争遮盖,有时用无小事儿搪塞,有时用经济民生敷衍,有时用敌对势力说事儿。这都改变不了民族问题的性 质:只要不讲《共同纲领》、国家《宪法》规定的民族区域自治制度,就是文不对题言不及义,不能使天下归仁归心。其实民族领域貌似复杂,道理却极为简单,那 就是要讲“明德、亲民、致中和”的大学中庸之道。“中也者,天下之大本也。和也者,天下之达道也。致中和,天地位焉,万物育焉”。只有共和宪政才能致中 和,只有民族区域自治才能使民族领域得到治理。
中国是以农立国的多民族统一国家。农民跟少数民族是两大恒常问题领域。政府要像懂农民一样地懂少数民族,才能对国家深知善治。改革开放30多年,国家给农村发放过10多个1号文件和3个 中央全会重要决议。相比之下,国家在少数民族领域却只开过“团结进步表彰大会”,只发过“区域工作会议”或“区域发展座谈会”纪要,没有拿出过整体的制度 建设导向决策,没有彻底地清算过民族领域的左倾思潮、大汉族主义和少数民族消亡同化论。这是当前民族领域越维越不稳,经济上的支援、受援和待援三方都有挫 折感的原因所在。
朱文针对这一困局,在《学习时报》上勾勒出大汉族主义和民族领域乱政潜规则的轮廓。这是不小的功德。但他仍昧于天 下大势,二战前的西方民族国家理念高唱红歌,主张对少数民族采取加强消亡同化的措施。他誓言堵死国家民族识别和建立民族自治地方的法制通道,主张剥夺少数 民族流动人口自由结社的权利,建议居民身份证上的隐匿民族标识,宣称少数民族院校是他的重点防范对象,污称民族政策法规是给少数民族“超市民待遇”,甚至 用安排后事的语气制造少数民族语言文字消亡同化气氛,败坏双语教育名声。他要国家对民族地区的每项投入都要计算回报,公然把政府变成了公司,把治国理政当 成了风险投资,把政治伦理当成了经济交易,还涮了一把惠台政策措施。把朱文的主张跟《共同纲领》和国家《宪法》,跟胡耀邦生前引领民族区域自治改革的方 向,跟习仲勋反复要求汉族官员学习少数民族语言的实践相比,我们不难看出新精英不仅在境界上等而下之,而且在方向上背道而驰。老一代领导人有过长征、抗战 和开国建政的经历,深知在民族领域最要讲信修睦,尊重少数民族的心意和生态家园权益。他们不仅做出了民族区域自治的重大制度安排,还大力培养少数民族干部 并亲身结交少数民族朋友,因而能在把民族领域事务办出大国气象。 [1]
新 精英缺少国情知识、政治远见和社会担当,却有着无与伦比的权力意志和排他欲望。他们不仅要否认少数民族的主体地位和政治权利,还要怀疑少数民族的爱国忠 诚,必欲把平等团结共生共和的民族关系办出你输我赢你死我活的零和结局。朱文作者把中央党校当成中国足球协会,任意在里面打假球和吹黑哨,放言别国宪法的 民族权利条款都“只是说说而已”,公然传销高官的权力无边界,能让宪法顶个球的邪教歪理,全然不悋中国还有前国家主席手持《宪法》死于非命的未雪国耻。这种无知者无畏的果敢偏激正把中国民族领域重新拖入种族革命的泥沼,使2010年的中国越来越像1950-60年代的美国。
新 精英只会讲西方舶来的排他性社会发展史,不会讲中国本土的包容性文化生态学,也不肯学习老一代领导人制订的民族政策法规。他们只是一看见少数民族就想到消 亡同化,一看见少数民族权益就喊叫“超市民待遇”,一看见“民族区域自治”就有国家分裂幻象。他们还养成了在自由主义与民族主义之间搞穿越的分裂人格:一 面痛感民权缺失民德不彰,一面对少数民族相煎不已,还要强拆民族区域自治制度,全然不懂“辅车相依唇亡齿寒”的道理。
历 史的经验值得赢取。那些天天打着“反分裂”、“促同化”旗号,否定少数民族地位和权益,想让少数民族忘记语言文化和宗教的新精英,应该以国计民生和天下苍 生为念。当年国家为了给人民公社护旗维稳,也曾派了满地的工作队,弄得国家鸡飞狗跳民穷财尽。早年清朝为了给剃头政策维稳不惜弄出扬州嘉定血案。今天看, 那剃头维稳的政策的成功除了给辛亥革命留下很多会党种子之外,全无意义。
二、民族领域问题的生态
少 数民族是中国共和宪政协商民主制度的天然盟友和中流砥柱。蒙、新、藏三地和其他边疆民族地区,当年都是按照“人民政治协商”和“民族区域自治”的原则达成 了和平协议加入的新中国民族大家庭。今天的新精英对这些政策法度看着不顺眼,想着不放心。他们不能理解在少数民族地区实行民族区域自治,就跟在农村实行 “联产承包责任制”一样,都是依法治国的康庄正道。当年中国要实行联产承包责任制,也有人害怕“山变色人头落地”,结果连国家姓社姓资都不影响,只是让农 民有了些尊严,国人吃饱了肚皮,又多了些糖尿病例。早年民国倡导妇女解放和男女平等,也有很多人害怕妻女要淫奔,家庭要解体,子孙要不继,祖宗要生气,后 果很严重。结果也只是女人放开了脚板走路快些而已。新精英如果反唇相讥:说当年砍了人民公社的旗也没脾气,那今天砍了民族区域自治制度又能咋地?这是把乌 托邦理想的“不封顶”误解为国家法制的“不保底”。胡锦涛主席因而要告诫:这三大基本制度之一是不容置疑、不容动摇、不容削弱地。
1989年北京风波和1999年 西部大开发以来,民族区域自治成为中国法规制度建设欠账最多的领域。统战部作为党和国家了解情况、掌握政策、协调关系、推荐干部的部门,理应提出增进社会 和谐的方略,满足国家修文德、来远人、安民心的需求。但朱文作者却不守本份,总想为拆除民族政策法规投石问路,一心要把统战部变成作战部,把崇文区变成宣 武区,把国情民情做成敌情匪情,把中国的统战部二局做成前苏联的克格勃五局。《学习时报》、《环球时报》和《新华文摘》等主流媒体,对朱文的政治错误照发 照转不加节制,全然不管党纪国法尊严不尊严,少数民族乐意不乐意,焦虑不焦虑,答应不答应,生气不生气,硬是把传媒界对于为政以德、使民以信和羞恶之心的 集体无意识表达得淋漓尽致,从而使中国模式更加形神俱足斯文扫地。
党政官员如此轻视国民和蔑视法度,学界和媒体如此不讲职业伦理底线,难怪中国边疆民族地区总会出现一些违反常识常理的乌龙鸟事,包括“插旗挂像摘头巾”、“俗人偶像进寺庙”等政教合一举措。
中 国民族领域的政治生态如此,国家要想它长治久安谈何容易?幸而中国少数民族还有生态家园和文化传统,还有语言文字和宗教信仰,还有身份证上的标明的法律地 位,还有党中央、国务院、全国人大政协两会要讲依法治国和政治改革,因而还有望回归法制正轨。否则中国就是再有财力,军警就是再有神威,国民就是再有独生 子女,也罩不住二字当头的官员“可着劲儿折腾”,急于求售的学界媒体“可着劲儿忽悠”出来的维稳黑洞和公地悲剧。试想当年的苏联比今日中国孰强?但只要官 员无知无畏,学者无良无耻,又没有舆论监督、法度节制和人民管束,最终都能演成“其亡也忽焉”的悲喜剧。
修 辞立其诚,诚者无妄言。中国少数民族再小再弱势,也是国家世袭罔替的主人。政府官员再大再二虎,也是任期有限的公仆。现在命短的公仆天天要给命长的主人张 罗后事。这对国家是重大隐患,对国民是教唆犯罪,对少数民族更是语言暴力和恐怖主义。当今世界的各国官员学者和记者,在公开场合必须替少数民族、底边人 群、生态环保和文化多样性说话,才能保住职位。只有中国还让这些对少数民族这样出言不逊的人四处讲课酿造危机。
君 子务本。本立而道生。国家官员只要奉公守法,承认少数民族老百姓的生态家园主人翁地位,保障他们当家作主的权益,就无须担心他们对国家的忠诚和认同。但如 果官员总想把自己跟老百姓之间的大位大程序“弄反弄颠倒”,总想把单边行动进行到底,那就恐怕连“对口支援”和“干部挂职”这样用心良苦的措施,也挡不住 官商勾结做出“圈地、移民、毁家园”的恶作剧。中国因而要尽早启动政治改革,要把落实充实完善发展民族区域自治制度作为首选领域,同时要对那些铁心阻挠民 族区域自治制度建设的官员 “实行精兵简政”、“进行休假式治疗”或“转变发展方式”。这样才能让少数民族放心,让民族领域安宁,让民族关系和谐并增加中华文化的国际影响力。关于在 中国实行民族区域自治的来龙去脉和种种好处,请关注内蒙古大学郝维民教授等主编,人民出版社近期出版的《内蒙古通史》。

The Xinjiang Perspective: Part I

Posted: 2012年11月24日 in Other authors


Graham Adams specializes in the study of ethnic minority policy in the People’s Republic of China. His name has been changed to protect his identity.
Graham Adams is a contributor of Xinjiang Review and his personal observations, experiences, and conversations from around Xinjiang tell true stories of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang/East Turkistan

Some foreign observers tend to regard Chinese state propaganda as cobwebs, intricately woven webs of deception that one must brush away to reveal the underlying truth. Yet, an examination of the delicate threads that comprise the web may shed light upon even the darkest corners of Zhongnanhai. Propaganda can provide insight into the greatest ambitions and worst fears of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Such insights are particularly valuable for those seeking to understand the current situation in Xinjiang (East Turkestan). Here, the state engages in a heavy propaganda campaign to win the support of the local population, chiefly Uyghurs and other Central Asian ethnic groups. The most critical and reoccurring themes focus upon fostering ethnic unity; social harmony and stability; patriotism; economic development; territorial integrity; and close relations between the military and the people. Propaganda is an inextricable part of CCP patriotic education campaigns. Propaganda is omnipresent in public spaces, found everywhere from municipal buildings to schools, roadways, buses, and town squares.

Although the outside world is keenly aware of the integral role that propaganda plays in protecting and promoting Chinese interests in Xinjiang, foreigners rarely have the opportunity to ascertain how the relationship between state and society is negotiated at the grassroots level. How do locals in different regions tend to view their personal relationship with the state? How do they express their own ethnic and religious identity? To what extent does the educational background, profession, or social status of Uyghurs and members of other ethnic groups affect their opinions on governance and the Chinese Communist Party? How do locals receive, interpret, and respond to state propaganda? What is the current state of relations between Chinese, ethnic minorities, and the state security apparatus?

In a series of short articles, I will share personal observations, experiences, and conversations from around Xinjiang that elucidate these abstract themes in a more concrete way. At the same time, due to the sensitive political nature of the subject under discussion, I must pay due diligence in protecting my sources. Seeking answers to these questions is a critical task for not only myself, but also for other scholars in the field. I nevertheless hope that these articles will provide the reader with fresh information and insights into modern-day Xinjiang.

The Xinjiang Perspective: Part II

Posted: 2012年11月24日 in Other authors


Graham Adams specializes in the study of ethnic minority policy in the People’s Republic of China. His name has been changed to protect his identity.

Graham Adams is a contributor of Xinjiang Review and his personal observations, experiences, and conversations from around Xinjiang tell true stories of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang/East Turkistan

In an article on ethnic, religious, and political conflict in Xinjiang, Michael Dillion argues that following the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) purge of reformist leader Hu Yaobang in 1987, former Xinjiang military commander Wang Zhen was able to push for more hardline policies in ethnic minority regions. A supportive Chinese official in Xinjiang remarked that “You give them autonomy and they will only turn round and create an East Turkestan…. To stabilise Xinjiang we must send hard-liners like Wang.” Yet, in the decades that followed, ethnic unrest and instability have continued to bedevil the region, despite massive amounts of government spending on political campaigns, economic development, and internal security.

Although Beijing publicly espouses firm convictions regarding official policies in Xinjiang, it’s difficult not to notice the clearly conflicted feelings of Uyghur government employees: their identity as civil servants and members of the State Security apparatus, for example, does not appear to supersede their identity as members of a persecuted ethnic group. On the one hand, a number of state employees revealed their desire to work for the government as a means of assisting and protecting other Uyghurs. On the other hand, they also revealed deep cynicism and frustration with the Chinese government. There are the Public Security Bureau workers who shed tears over Uyghurs arrested during the 2009 riots and speak secretly of their dreams of Xinjiang independence. There are also the state employees who describe bitterly government restrictions on religious practices, particularly during Ramadan. Muslims working for the government discussed their secret visits to mosques and their disgust at Chinese colleagues who pressured them not to fast. Then there was the state employee who revealed that on the third anniversary of the July 2009 riots, work units in Urumqi provided Chinese employees with batons to “protect” themselves in the event of any ethnic disturbances. No Uyghurs or other ethnic minorities received batons, not even longtime Chinese Communist Party members. This decision, argued the state employee, was a message to non-Chinese ethnic groups that the state not only does not trust them, but also sees them as a threat to social stability.

One reason why many Uyghurs, including government employees, feel antagonistic toward the Chinese is that although a great deal of propaganda touts the importance of ethnic harmony and unity, none of it explicitly encourages Chinese to display cultural or religious sensitivity toward the local population. Uyghurs and ethnic minorities often complain that Chinese are at best woefully ignorant of their customs and at worst blatantly racist. Examples of uneducated and offensive behavior are unfortunately abundant. I witnessed a Chinese mother allowing her child to urinate on the grounds of a historical Uyghur tomb complex, right outside a mosque. I heard a Chinese realtor explain that it is difficult for outsiders to live in Uyghur neighborhoods, as locals are dirty and their bodies emit a strong odor. At a museum exhibit on various ethnic groups in Xinjiang, I saw a tour guide point out the “traditional green hats worn by Uyghurs in Turpan,” only to subsequently joke that “you know what we Chinese say about wearing green hats.” Everyone in the tour group laughed heartily at the slang reference to having an affair.

My point in raising such anecdotes is not to assert that all Chinese living in Xinjiang are ignorant or racist. Instead, I am simply stating that the government should find more creative and effective ways to address the sort of entrenched behavior that occurs far too frequently and causes deep resentment among locals. Perhaps political education in Xinjiang classrooms could focus less on imparting abstract concepts of “ethnic unity” and “loving the motherland” and more on building ethnic unity by directly addressing harmful cultural and religious stereotypes. Perhaps more institutions could incorporate sensitivity awareness lessons into their professional workshops or job training. Such simple suggestions might ultimately prove far more effective at gradually changing public behavior than large scale propaganda campaigns, especially in the absence of any momentum toward a coherent, nationwide ethnic minority civil rights movement.

The Xinjiang Perspective: Part III

Posted: 2012年11月24日 in Other authors


Graham Adams specializes in the study of ethnic minority policy in the People’s Republic of China. His name has been changed to protect his identity.

Graham Adams is a contributor of Xinjiang Review and his personal observations, experiences, and conversations from around Xinjiang tell true stories of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang/East Turkistan

Omnipresent state propaganda exhorts Uyghurs and other local ethnic groups to love and protect the Chinese state, which even in Xinjiang is ironically dubbed the “motherland.” However, despite public campaigns as well as patriotic education in schools, it is clear that bright youth are questioning official political, historical, and religious narratives. Based upon interactions with students from all over Xinjiang (East Turkestan), it is clear that they are not passively absorbing and accepting official propaganda. On the contrary, they are thinking critically about their identity, their history, the role of the Chinese state in their lives, and most importantly, their collective future.

A common fear among Uyghur students is that the government is weakening and eroding the bilingual language policy currently in place. Although the government is eager to showcase its policy as evidence that it respects minority rights, in fact the bilingual schools are anything but bilingual. A Xinjiang high school teacher stated that although her students attend nine class periods per day, the only class conducted in Uyghur is the actual Uyghur language class. Teachers are not supposed to instruct students in other classes in Uyghur, even if the teacher and students are all native speakers and feel more comfortable speaking in Uyghur. Students revealed to me their concern that the ultimate goal of the government is assimilation. “They don’t want us to be Uyghur,” they complained, “they want us to be Chinese.”

Students and teachers in Xinjiang are prohibited from attending any religious activities. They are not allowed to pray at a mosque or fast during Ramadan. One teacher noted that in Kashgar, students are kept on campus during the early afternoon so that they cannot attend midday prayers. College students also lose college credit if they are caught attending religious activities on campus. Moreover, if teachers or students in Xinjiang fill out any official government form that asks for a religious identification, they must write “none.” They are explicitly told that they can believe in nothing more than Marxism, despite China’s constitutional guarantee of religious freedom.

The political situation in Urumqi is particularly tense now that the Party Congress is taking place. During noontime prayers on Friday, a Uyghur teacher must stand by the outer gate of an assigned mosque and make sure that none of his students attempts to enter the premises. If one does, he will receive a demerit from his school. A Chinese teacher accompanies the Uyghur teacher to ensure that the latter does not turn a blind eye to student rule-breaking. In addition, there are cameras inside and outside the mosque, as well as public security officers in the streets, to ensure that students do not enter. If students are caught, the teachers who failed to stop them are reprimanded as well.

The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region government also forbids students and teachers from wearing headscarves or traditional hats on school campuses. One Uyghur professor with whom I spoke argued that these head coverings are a cultural marker, rather than strictly a religious marker. In fact, many Uyghurs have remarked that the July 2009 riots acted as a major turning point in their society. Since that time, the number of Uyghur women wearing headscarves has increased dramatically. They argue that they wear them to stand in solidarity with other Uyghurs as well as identify themselves as Muslim.

One day, I encountered a handful of students on a college campus wearing traditional hats and headscarves. I asked one of the young women why she chose to cover her head in spite of the ban. “It’s part of our culture,” she responded. When I subsequently inquired what might happen if she continued to defy the ban, the student said that the school could choose to expel her. Such acts of resistance, albeit on a small scale, seemingly indicate the desire of Uyghurs and other Central Asian ethnic groups to assert their own identity as well as their rights.

Uyghur teachers are increasingly unemployed as more teaching jobs go to Chinese. I asked a teacher why it is difficult for young Uyghur college graduates with strong Chinese language skills to find employment in schools. She said that Uyghurs are asking the same question. Upon receiving applications from potential teachers with similar backgrounds, she has noticed that schools tend to give preference to Chinese applicants. The government has also imposed a new requirement that Uyghur teachers, even those who only teach Uyghur language classes, must have a certain level of proficiency in Chinese or they lose their jobs. This stipulation has proven challenging for many older Uyghur teachers.

One student to whom I spoke began to discuss Xinjiang’s Central Asian neighbor, Uzbekistan. “Our neighbors,” he mused, “share with us a similar language, a similar culture, and a similar history. Why is it that Uzbekistan is a nation, and we are not?” The overwhelming message I receive from Uyghur and other ethnically Central Asian students is that they must unify. They must unify if they wish to protect the future of their culture, their religion, and their people.

The text of this article is deleted for possible misunderstanding.

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To better understand contemporary Xinjiang violence and underlying analytic frameworks and discourses on Uyghurs and Islam that tend to portrait the Uyghurs as terrorists, extremists, and separatists, one has to look at China’s Central and south Asia’s strategies, local Xinjiang policies on the Uyghurs and Islam, and Han social and academic discourses on Islam and Muslims as a whole.

The Chinese strategies in Xinjiang and neighboring countries seem to be summarized in its anti-three forces campaign, namely terrorism, extremism, and separatism. According to Ma Dazheng and others, ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and international terrorism have become popular in the Middle East, mid-South Asia, and Central Asia since 1980s and they are the developments of the so-called Pan-Islamism and Pan Turkism (《东突厥斯坦国”迷幻的幻灭》,p.189). In other words, China’s anti-three forces campaign targets not only the Uyghurs in Xinjiang but also Muslim countries in Central and South Asia. This may explain why more and more military exercises have been carried out in Xinjiang, Ningxia, and Central and south Asian countries.

As a Xinjiangreview article hints that the so-called anti-three forces strategy is used to bind China with Central Asian states and thus to provide China a pretext to involve, penetrate, and finally dominate the region for energy and geopolitical reasons (www.xinjiangreview.wordpress.com). Otherwise, it is hard to understand that China has openly involved in fighting against the so-called three forces that, according to China’s scholars, have been social, religious, cultural, ethnic, and even political developments and trends in Middle East and Cetnral Asian Muslim countries.

This state strategy seems to be well understood and carried out by various Xinjiang departments, units, and even individuals to serve their own purposes and benefits. This is particularly true to security forces that anti-three forces campaign guarantees their continuous reception of funds, equipment, vehicles, and other forms of support from the central government. As recent photo posted on autonomousregion blog well illuminates, anti-three forces campaign has provided and justified local security departments to own luxurious automobiles like Mercedes Benz in this desert or semi-desert region in the name of fighting three forces.
(http://autonomousregion.wordpress.com/2012/04/16/benz/).

For the militia organization of the Construction and Development Corps or Bingtuan, the occurrence and continuation of tension and violence with the Uyghurs help justify its existence, maintain its status quo, and monopoly rich natural resources such as water and land. Anyone who does research on Bingtuan economy can easily draws the conclusion that all Bingtuan cadres, by renting lands and distributing agricultural resources such as water and fertilizer, enrich themselves to such a degree that they possess expensive houses (often in Urumuqi or other interior cities), luxurious automobiles, and other unbelievable amount of wealth.

At individual level, it is interesting to notice that since the Republican era, all local rulers in Xinjiang (warlords, chairmen, governors, or secretaries) tend to convert the region into a militarized zone by exaggerating political and ideological threats from inside or outside. By doing this, these Xinjiang kings(so to be called by the locals because of their monopoly of power)on the one hand demand more resources from the central government in the name of security while on the other hand, making their position in the region unchallengeable and unchangeable and paving the way for further promotion in the central government. In contemporary Xinjiang context, Wang Lequan exemplifies how the so-called anti-three forces strategy has justified his monopoly of power and his long term tenure in Xinjiang and promoted him as vice secretary of the political and legal bureau in Beijing even after his dismissal in Xinjiang.

It is under the anti-three forces context in Xinjiang, ordinary Chinese citizens’ rights (Uyghurs and other non-Han populations) have been brutally abused. In the area of religious freedom, Islam has been unprecedentedly controlled and suppressed. As the most recent China’s ban on fasting during the Ramadan indicates, Uyghur Muslims’ basic human rights on pray, fasting, hajj, clothing, and other Islamic duties or tenets have been deprived of. Muslim women have even been encouraged and forced to undress their Islamic-Turkic headscarves. As a propaganda picture posted by Uyghurbiz, many local governments are even making Uyghur populated towns as “scarf-less” towns.

https://twitter.com/uighurbiz/status/244685847214030848/photo/1

This harsh repressive policy towards Uyghur Muslims and Islam in Xinjiang has caused resentment not only from the Uyghurs but also from neighboring Muslim countries that Chinese citizens have become the target of Central and south Asian Muslim militants, as the recent assassination of a Chinese citizen (Jiang Hua) by Pakistani Taliban in Pashawar suggests.

In dealing with the Uyghur-China relations and China-Central Asia relations and in this strategy and policy formation process, China’s academics have (mis) played an important role. It is widely known in China that most experts or scholars of these areas (who are born after 1960s and have been trained in the West since 1980s) are more political than academic and are more familiar with the West (including theories and researchers) than with China’s own problems such as Xinjiang.
(Think about the role China’s Xinjiang experts play in the “Xinjiang 13” phenomenon, http://ww.xinjiangxinjiang.wordpress.com; also

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-08-11/china-banning-u-s-professors-elicits-silence-from-colleges.html).

One example can reveal the political nature of China’s Xinjiang (by extension, Central Asia) scholars and their intimacy with organizations, institutions, and individuals in the U.S. and Israel who are mindful of “anti-terror” in the Islamic world. Uyghur Human Right Project blog states that its staffs attempted to invite a China’s expert on “anti-terrorism”, Mr. Pan Guang, visit their office to discuss his accusation of oversea Uyghurs as supportive forces of terrorism in Xinjiang. except for groundless accusations of and attacks on oversea Uyghurs, this scholar has declined even a friendly visit to a Uyghur organization.

http://weblog.uhrp.org/invitation-to-pan-guang/#more-55

This example to some extent shed some lights on China’s academia especially on the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Uyghurs. Scholars on language, history, cultures of these regions or peoples have often been confined to universities for teaching; scholars of international relations and of anti-terrorism have mostly been consulted by government agencies. It is an open secret that some international relations institutes or research centers in China are run directly by foreign ministry or security departments. Even the so-called academies of social sciences are indirectly connected to state agencies through funding, consultation, and etc.

More importantly, back to China’s Uyghur studies, in the larger context of Israel-Arab conflicts and the U.S. wars with Muslim countries, China’s new generations of scholars of these areas (trained in the U.S.) have familiarized themselves with U.S.-Israeli generated and dominated discourses on Islam and Muslims in China and elsewhere. As a recent study by a student of Shibley Tahami at the University of Maryland indicates, Shanghai has quickly become China’s Israeli lobbying center due to its historical connection with Jews, academic and economic incentives provided by various Israeli institutions and organizations through various forms such as “fellowship” and “visiting scholars,” and the bridging role of Israel and Israeli lobbying groups played to connect China’s scholars with the West.

It is in these political and academic contexts that China’s academics have (mis)contributed much to China’s harsh and hostile policies (instead of civilizational dialogues as proposed by China’s top leaders) towards Islam and Muslims in Xinjiang, which in turn, unavoidably drags China into war with Muslims in Central and South Asia. The development of China-Muslim relations under current strategy and policy seems to develop into a holy war, a nightmare for the Soviet in 1970s and 1980s.